He urged patience from Ghanaians, noting that the new government is still setting up and cannot be expected to resolve an eight-year-long problem in just three months.

“The government is barely three months old, and of course, Ghanaians would expect the government to come out with a strong policy direction. Do you think that you can compare the failure of a government in eight years to fight galamsey to a government that is barely three months old?” he quizzed.

“I will plead that Ghanaians and ourselves would exercise some patience and allow the government to clamp down on these negative operations happening around our forest reserves and our water bodies.”

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Speaking on JoyNews’ AM Show on Tuesday, Assafuah cautioned party members against shielding Adu Boahene if the allegations are proven true.

“If this is true, I am warning party persons, NPP persons, in the event that this is proven, please don’t go and defend it because we are building a nation,” he stated.

The Minister for Justice and Attorney General, Dr. Dominic Ayine, made the allegations on Monday, March 24.

According to Dr. Ayine, Adu Boahene, who served as the Director General of the National Signals Bureau between 2017 and 2025, embezzled millions of dollars meant for a cyber defense project and diverted them into real estate investments in Accra and overseas.

He has also allegedly laundered over $2 million through the real estate business.

The allegations have sparked public concern, with many calling for a thorough investigation into the matter.

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• Adu Boahene accused of laundering over $2m in real estate

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In efforts to address the situation, Mr. Owusu-Agyemang stressed that Adwoa Safo must stop all public attacks on party leaders.

“As a party, we would apply the necessary regulations and then see what we can do, but for the time being, we are dismayed by her actions, especially considering her past senior roles in government and our party,” he added.

“So Adwoa is being asked to stop all the utterances, all the interviews and whatever she is doing. It is a human institution, she’s gone wrong and we are telling her to cease whatever she is doing with these utterances.”

Expressing hope for a resolution, he said, “We will see how we will do going forward, and I hope she will adhere to what we have said, the General Secretary has said in his release.”

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• I apologise, NPP’s letter to Adwoa Safo was not targeted at JoyNews – Ahiagbah

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Following this, the NPP leadership referred her to the National Disciplinary Committee, stating that her comments violated the party’s directive against public statements that could fuel disaffection.

However, OPK has urged the leadership to be more sensitive in handling the former MP’s concerns, stressing that many party bigwigs have spoken freely without consequences.

He further called on the leadership to engage Adwoa Safo rather than resorting to punitive measures.

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He further explained, “So it’s not an original letter seeing that she’s in your studio and therefore somebody is directing that she shouldn’t be there or talk to you about the subject matter that she came to discuss.”

The NPP directive had urged all party members to refrain from discussing internal matters that could create division and unrest within the party in the media.

Despite this directive, Adwoa Safo proceeded with an exclusive interview on JoyNews’ The Pulse, where she openly criticised the party’s election review committee, calling it “bogus.”

Following this, the NPP leadership issued a press statement referring her to the National Disciplinary Committee for further action, stating that her comments violated an earlier directive prohibiting members from making public statements that could fuel disaffection within the party.

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On the back of this, the NPP Deputy General Secretary stated that the committee had not yet released any report on the party’s electoral defeat.

“The committee has not even brought out any report. Today, they have met with the former President John Agyekum Kufuor. They have not even started writing any reports.

“These ought to stop and allow things to work. We are not asking anybody not to speak; we have given everybody the opportunity,” he added.

Meanwhile, Sarah Adwoa Safo has officially been referred to the National Disciplinary Committee of the NPP for further action following her recent media engagements on party matters.

In a statement signed by NPP General Secretary Justin Kodua Frimpong, the party explained that her recent comments, particularly on JoyNews’ The Pulse, violated directives instructing members to refrain from discussing internal matters that could create disaffection and unrest.

The party viewed her remarks as undermining unity and hindering efforts to rebuild after the 2024 election loss.

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Speaking on JoyNews’ The Pulse programme, she emphasised that freedom of speech is a constitutional right for all Ghanaians.

She argued that everyone should be allowed to speak freely, as it is their constitutional right. Her comment was in response to a statement issued by the NPP General Secretary, directing party supporters not to engage the media on internal party matters being addressed by the party.

“We all have the right to express ourselves, and that includes me,” she said. “The General Secretary began speaking publicly after we lost the election, going around explaining the situation. He even went as far as telling people not to blame him for the loss.”

Referring to the General Secretary’s comments on radio, where he publicly criticised former President Akufo-Addo, claiming that the president wasn’t listening to the party’s advice during cabinet meetings, she questioned his authority to make such statements.

“And now, when it’s my turn to speak, a statement is being issued. What locus does he have to do that?” she asked. “He was on the radio himself, so if he wants to write a letter to me, he should do so privately. This statement is too vague, and I don’t think it’s something I need to respond to.”

She added, “Nobody brought me into the party, and the party does not belong to any individual. We are all here to build the party, so nobody can force me out or silence me.”

Adwoa Safo also pointed out the growing dissatisfaction within the party’s base.

“He [General Secretary] should go on social media and see how party members are criticising him. He has an election coming up, and he shouldn’t allow himself to be manipulated or used for other people’s agendas. If your base is bitter and feels unheard, they will want someone to speak for them.”

The former MP further addressed the character assassination she has faced within her party. She explained that she had been unfairly defamed and felt the need to clarify issues.

“There has been a character assassination against me. I have been defamed by my own party,” she said. “I owe it to myself to clarify things and set the record straight. Whatever they have painted me as to bring me down is not the truth. I will make sure the truth is known.”

Adwoa Safo reiterated that every individual has the right to speak freely without fear of being silenced.

“No one should be silenced for voicing their opinion, especially when it’s a constitutional right,” she added.

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Speaking on The Pulse on JoyNews on Thursday, March 20, She stated that she would not consider running for the seat again unless convinced by her father.

Reflecting on her time as the MP for the constituency, she admitted the difficulties she encountered had left her disillusioned with the idea of returning to the position.

“Considering what I have been through, considering how I have been treated in the constituency despite my devotions, despite my sacrifices, despite my hard work, how I have been treated, I don’t think so, I won’t. It will take my father to change my mind, I have done 12 years and I left a good legacy in the constituency, I will not contest Dome Kwabenya,” she said.

The NPP, represented by Mike Oquaye Jr. lost the traditional NPP seat to the NDC in the last election in 2024.

However, while she ruled out the prospect of rejoining the race for Dome Kwabenya, the former MP did not shy away from sharing her future aspirations.

She revealed her ambition to achieve higher political leadership, stating her goal to either become the first female president of Ghana or serve as Speaker of Parliament.

“I am moving forward, I am looking at other bigger things,” she said.

“Like the presidency”? The Host, Elton John Brobbey asked. She responded, “Yes one day, not now, I am looking at speakership, yes. I am looking at higher challenges and opportunities” she emphasised.

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Speaking on JoyNews’ The Pulse on Thursday, March 20, she shared that she became a victim of intense criticism and false narratives, which impacted her reputation.

She explained that at a critical point in her career, she suffered the tragic loss of her child, while her elderly son was also seriously ill in the United States.

In light of these personal challenges, she decided to travel abroad to care for her family. She clarified that she informed the necessary authorities and individuals about her situation before leaving the country, believing she was following the appropriate protocols.

However, despite her communication, she said her absence was misconstrued and portrayed as a violation of parliamentary procedures.

The backlash, according to her, resulted in her being subjected to character assassination, which she described as unfair and damaging.

“There is character assassination, and there is a need to set the record straight…. reputation is anything anybody has got, things that were said about me have stuck in the minds of Ghanaians. I have been branded the way I am not supposed to be branded and I owe it to myself, to clear it out, to let Ghanaians know the side of my story,” she said.

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Speaking on JoyNews’ The Pulse show on Thursday, March 20, she shared her reasons for opposing the levy, emphasising how it failed to serve its intended purpose and ultimately burdened ordinary Ghanaians.

“I didn’t vote for the e-levy, and I have no regrets about my decision,” she explained. “I refrained from supporting it because I believed it wouldn’t benefit the people of Ghana. Instead, it would take away from their already limited resources, especially the most vulnerable members of society.”

“Ghanaians voted against us partly because of the E-levy,” she said.

She also highlighted how the e-levy negatively impacted those in low-paying jobs, particularly people who relied on mobile money [MoMo] to send funds to their families in rural areas.

“Individuals who were most affected were those working in low-paying jobs, who relied on sending money back to their families in the villages. These individuals were already struggling, and the e-levy took away the little they had. It was a tax on their hard-earned money, further deepening their difficulties,” she added.

Adwoa Safo also pointed out the contradiction between the government’s promises and the reality.

“We were told that by introducing the e-levy, Ghana could avoid going to the International Monetary Fund (IMF). However, in the end, we still ended up seeking IMF support. Despite implementing this tax, the government was unable to avoid the very financial assistance it promised we could manage without.”

Referring to Vice President Dr Mahamudu Bawumia’s 2024 election manifesto, in which he promised to remove the e-levy if elected, Adwoa Safo expressed a sense of vindication.

“I feel vindicated,” she said. “If the e-levy was truly a good tax, why did we still end up at the IMF? How can we justify taxing those who are already struggling, especially when it didn’t even prevent us from seeking IMF support?”.

Adwoa Safo concluded by reiterating that the e-levy failed to achieve its intended objectives and, instead, placed an additional burden on the very people it was meant to help.

“It just didn’t make sense,” she said. “The e-levy hurt ordinary Ghanaians, and in the end, it didn’t achieve what it promised.”

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According to her, the committee was deliberately formed to push a specific agenda rather than conduct an impartial fact-finding mission.

“It is a very bogus committee. A committee that is put together just to find certain facts and push a particular candidate away from the candidacy so that we can bring our own you call that a credible fact-finding committee?” she questioned.

Adwoa Safo particularly took issue with the choice of Prof Mike Oquaye as the committee’s chair, citing a conflict of interest. She challenged him to explain why his son, Mike Oquaye Junior lost the Dome-Kwabenya parliamentary seat before passing judgment on the party’s defeat.

“If Prof Mike Oquaye thinks he has integrity and credibility, I want to see the first page of his fact-finding report explaining why his son Mike Oquaye Junior lost the Dome-Kwabenya seat. If he does that with transparency, without bias or prejudice, then I will accept any findings he presents against Dr Bawumia. Otherwise, that report will not hold in this party,” she said.

She argued that the party should have chosen a more neutral and experienced figure to lead the committee.

“His son has lost, and you think he is the best person to lead a fact-finding committee that includes that very constituency? Why not choose an independent person? Couldn’t we find anyone else in the party to chair it?” she asked.

The former MP also rejected any attempt to blame the party’s defeat solely on Dr Mahamudu Bawumia, the NPP’s 2024 flagbearer, suggesting that the process was being manipulated to discredit him.

“We know what we know, and we have heard what we’ve heard. He shouldn’t come and tell us that we should blame everything on Bawumia because Ghanaians don’t want him and that we won’t market him again,” she stated.

She further pointed out that a separate election review report from the Ashanti Region did not blame Bawumia for the party’s loss, arguing that a more experienced individual like Osei Kyei-Mensah-Bonsu should have been tasked with leading the investigation.

“The Ashanti report does not blame Bawumia for the party’s defeat, and that is a credible report. Why couldn’t the same person have done this work for the party? Who has more parliamentary and electoral experience than Osei Kyei-Mensah-Bonsu?” she questioned.

Adwoa Safo warned that if the committee’s findings were politically motivated, it would undermine the NPP’s chances of rebuilding and recapturing power.

“If this report is manipulated, it means we are not serious about rebuilding, regrouping, or recapturing power,” she said.

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The party’s decision stems from Adwoa Safo’s recent interview, where she discussed internal party matters publicly, despite a directive for members to refrain from such actions.

A statement signed by General Secretary Justin Frimpong Kodua highlighted that Adwoa Safo was expected to set a positive example for others.

However, her comments have been viewed as undermining the party’s efforts to rebuild and move forward after the emotional distress and disappointment members experienced following the party’s defeat in the last election.

The NPP reiterated the importance of unity and calm as it focuses on its recovery and future success.

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Read the full statement:

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The former Gender Minister has disclosed that her life was threatened with the safety of her children in jeopardy during the 2012 election.

She revealed this in an interview on Asempa FM Ekosii Sen, stressing the threats occurred on multiple occasions and she had to take a brave decision.

This, she explained, was the reason she had to send her two children abroad for their well-being and safety.

“I sent my children abroad during the 2012 election because my life was being threatened including that of my children.

“Someone went into my children’s school on two occasions to impersonate my driver in order to pick them. But fortunately, the school called me to verify and I couldn’t watch it happen a third time,” she stated.

Although she did not mention which people were involved, she acknowledged that it could have been from any front, considering that herself and the children’s father are all politically exposed persons.

She made the revelation while recounting the sacrifices she has made for the New Patriotic Party (NPP), highlighting a court case over a fraud detected in the parliamentary results in 2012.

“So I have sacrificed a lot for the NPP to deliberately hurt them but once things don’t go well and you speak up, you are tagged as bad,” she said.

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According to him, the NPP performed far better than the current administration led by President John Mahama.

In an interview on Adom FM’s Dwaso Nsem, Aboagye claimed that during the NPP’s tenure, Ghanaians experienced only eight weeks of power outages, popularly known as dumsor.

However, he argued that within just two months of the National Democratic Congress’ (NDC) return to power, there have been numerous outages, causing frustration among Ghanaians.

“For the past two months, there have been series of dumsor, but there is no urgency on the part of the government. For us, we experienced only eight weeks of dumsor in our entire eight years, and the urgency with which we resolved it was evident,” he stated.

He further indicated that the NPP was deeply concerned about the outages during its tenure, which drove the party’s determination to address the challenge swiftly.

“But the NDC is not afraid because the name dumsor originated from them. Until Mahama became president, Ghanaians had never heard of dumsor,” he claimed.

Ghanaians, particularly in the Ashanti Region, have recently faced erratic power supply.

The Minister for Energy and Green Transition, John Jinapor, attributed the issue to the growing electricity demand in the Kumasi enclave.

This, he said, necessitated the upgrade of a newly constructed 145 MVA transformer, replacing the old 66 MVA transformer, to ensure stable power supply.

Jinapor stated that Ghana is currently generating enough electricity and even exporting excess power. However, he emphasized that beyond generation, attention must be placed on transmission and distribution infrastructure.

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Speaking in an interview on Citi FM, Mustapha emphasized the importance of the committee’s findings in shaping the NPP’s strategy for a strong comeback in the 2028 elections.

“The party commissioned the Aaron Mike Oquaye Committee to review the outcomes of the 2024 elections. It’s worth noting that even in our 2020 victory, we proactively established the Yaw Osafo-Marfo Committee to assess our performance, and they provided valuable insights. We are now looking forward to the conclusions of the Aaron Mike Oquaye Committee,” he stated.

He added, “I have had the privilege of appearing before the committee alongside my fellow national executives. They have undertaken a thorough examination across all 16 regions and the 276 constituencies. This ongoing process is part of our commitment to revitalizing and reorganizing the party in preparation for the 2028 elections, and we expect them to finalize their report by March 31.”

The committee’s report is expected to provide critical insights into the party’s electoral performance and offer recommendations to aid the NPP’s reorganization ahead of the next election cycle.

Former Majority Leader Osei Kyei-Mensah-Bonsu made this assertion in an interview with Nhyira FM while reflecting on the NPP’s significant electoral loss.

As chairman of the NPP’s manifesto committee, he admitted that Dr. Bawumia’s campaign lacked the expected enthusiasm.

However, speaking on Adom FM’s Dwaso Nsem, Aboagye strongly disagreed.

“It is his view, but I disagree because every election has its dynamics, and I don’t know the basis of his position. I haven’t heard him say that, but if he did, then respectfully, I disagree; I don’t share his view. That cannot represent anything,” he stated.

Dr. Bawumia polled 4,877,611 votes (41.75%) in the election, while his main contender, John Mahama, secured 6,591,790 votes (56.42%).

Findings from the Ashanti Region highlighted key factors contributing to the NPP’s loss, including the party’s internal delegate system for selecting leaders, which affected grassroots mobilisation, and prevailing economic hardships that eroded public confidence.

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According to her, the party failed to address the pressing concerns of Ghanaians, which ultimately led to its defeat.

“Governance and elections are like studying for an exam. If governance is good, the results will be positive and vice versa. If we had been careful, we wouldn’t have experienced what happened to us,” she said.

Speaking on Asempa FM’s Ekosii Sen, Adwoa Safo noted that at some point, the NPP disregarded the concerns of the people, making it evident to politically analytical minds that victory was unlikely.

“In politics, when you fail to listen to the people, the consequences are clear. If you assess the situation critically, you will know it would have taken a miracle for us to win the election,” she added.

She, however, defended the party’s 2024 flagbearer, Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia, insisting that he should not be blamed for the electoral defeat.

“Because he wasn’t the President then, though part of the government, there was little he could do. When he raised issues, not everything was acted upon,” she explained.

The former Gender Minister also expressed disappointment over the state of road infrastructure in the Ashanti Region, which is considered the party’s stronghold.

“I was disappointed with the nature of roads during the campaign. At a point, the bus couldn’t ply the roads, so we had to use Land Cruisers—yet we call it our stronghold. We don’t need a soothsayer to tell us to develop the Ashanti Region, which is our base,” she stated.

Despite these challenges, Adwoa Safo expressed confidence in Dr. Bawumia’s leadership, describing him as the right choice for the party moving forward.

Her comments come at a time when the NPP is still awaiting the findings of the Prof. Mike Oquaye-led committee investigating the causes of the electoral defeat.

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According to her, this was the price she had to pay due to the controversies surrounding her absence.

Speaking in an interview on Asempa FM’s Ekosii Sen, she stated that an impression was created that she had not been fair to the party.

“That’s what I think the party misunderstood me on and decided to punish me, and that cost me my primaries,” she said.

Adwoa Safo bemoaned that all her years of dedicated service should have counted for something, especially after her public apology. However, she noted that the damage had already been done, creating disaffection for her.

She further claimed that the candidate elected by the party was not the preferred choice of many, which led to the NPP losing the Dome-Kwabenya seat in the 2024 general election.

“That is why I stated earlier that we have fewer female lawmakers in Parliament,” she remarked, suggesting that her treatment might be part of a broader issue affecting women in politics.

Miss Safo, a three-term MP who was confident about her re-election, lost her seat in the primaries held on January 27, 2024, to her main contender, former Chief Executive of the Ghana Free Zones Authority, Michael Oquaye Jr.

The former Gender Minister secured 326 votes, while Mr. Oquaye won by a landslide with 1,104 votes.

An underdog in the race, Sheela Oppong Sakyi, a legal practitioner and strategist at the Office of the First Lady, obtained 186 votes.

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Former Deputy Majority Leader, Adwoa Safo, has expressed pain over how she was treated after losing her position in a parliamentary reshuffle.

In an interview on Asempa FM’s Ekosii Sen, she disclosed that she was thrown to the backbench like a first-time MP, contrary to the statutes of the House.

According to her, former parliamentary leaders are expected to be offered seats directly behind the new leadership, but her situation was different.

She bemoaned that she could not comprehend the treatment, given that former leaders had received fair treatment and respect, and wondered whether it was because she was a woman.

“There is a rule and practice which has almost become a custom. Look at where Muntaka and Haruna are sitting. When I was removed, I was thrown to the backbench like a first-time MP.

“Everybody denied involvement in the action. The Majority Whip is responsible for seating arrangements, so how did he not know that I was not properly allocated a seat?” she questioned.

Adwoa Safo noted that it took the intervention of the NPP General Secretary, Justin Kodua Frimpong, and Deputy Majority Leader, Habib Iddrisu, for her seating position to be changed.

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Speaking in an interview on Asempa FM’s Ekosii Sen, Adwoa Safo explained that Ahenkorah’s controversial decision to snatch and chew some of the ballot papers helped prevent a major embarrassment for the NPP.

“Why do you think Carlos went to snatch the papers and destroy them? He knew that if the number of ‘no’ votes had been revealed, it would have been a disgrace for the NPP, so he had to act swiftly, but he suffered for it,” she said.

Safo was responding to rumors suggesting she had voted against Professor Aaron Mike Oquaye, the then-Speaker of Parliament. She vehemently denied these claims, calling them “vile rumors” and insisting that she had no reason to vote against Oquaye.

“Even during the primaries, the issue came up, but I dare the NPP leadership to come out and confirm that only two people voted against Prof. Oquaye. It is not true,” she said.

The former Deputy Majority Leader revealed that there were tensions among MPs before the election of the Speaker. In light of this, they reached out to President Akufo-Addo for guidance on potentially proposing a second candidate for the position.

“We wanted the then-President to propose at least three names so the MPs could select their preferred candidate. The writings were clear on the wall, and they were not silent about their displeasure,” she noted.

Adwoa Safo emphasized that she was dedicated to her responsibilities and pointed out that if she had intended to vote against Prof. Oquaye, she would have chosen to avoid the stress of the situation entirely.

“I am committed to my work, and if I had any plans of voting against Prof. Oquaye, I would have saved myself the stress,” she concluded.

“I would have slept in my house because I was even stuck in traffic and Osei Kyei Mensah Bonsu had to send his motorcade to bring me to parliament for the voting,” she stressed.

Recounting the chaotic process, she noted that Speaker Alban Bagbin was not elected due to the votes cast but consensus between both sides.

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The allegations, which surfaced in March 2022, suggested that the flight was arranged to ensure her participation in the voting for the Electronic Transaction Levy (E-Levy).

In an interview on Asempa FM’s Ekosii Sen, the former Gender Minister neither confirmed nor denied the claim. However, she questioned the focus on her, stating that if a private jet was indeed chartered, she was not the only MP who was outside the country at the time.

“A number of things happened, and it’s important to speak the truth. It was alleged that a private jet was chartered for Adwoa Safo, but I want to challenge the NPP leadership—was I the only one it came for, even if it were true?” she asked.

Adwoa Safo expressed frustration over what she perceived as a deliberate attempt to tarnish her image and damage her reputation.

“There was a female colleague who went through a similar experience like mine, but as Deputy Majority Leader at the time, we managed the issue properly so it didn’t become public. So why wasn’t the same done for me?” she lamented.

North Tongu MP and then Ranking Member on the Foreign Affairs Committee, Samuel Okudzeto Ablakwa, revealed that another ¢948,500 (approximately $140,000) was spent on her chartered flight from the US.

According to his findings, the flight was carried out by a Gulfstream G-550 registered HB-JOE, operated by Premium Jet AG based in Belgium, which cost $4,800 per hour.

Although the flight was unsuccessful, questions have surfaced about what influenced the MP’s return, including the alleged ¢120,000 that was reportedly paid into her account by then Chief of Staff, Akosua Frema Osei Opare.

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The claims, which were made by former Assin Central MP, Kennedy Agyapong, in 2022, alleged that Madam Opare gave him GH₵120,000 to deposit in Adwoa Safo’s account at Fidelity Bank.

Agyapong stated that the money was intended to encourage Adwoa Safo to return to Ghana and attend parliamentary duties, especially when her presence was critical for the passage of the Electronic Transaction Levy (E-Levy).

In an interview on Asempa FM’s Ekosii Sen, Adwoa Safo refuted the allegations, calling them mere attempts to tarnish her reputation.

She stressed that her family has a good relationship with the former Chief of Staff, making it unnecessary for any middleman to facilitate financial transactions.

“Some of the statements were hearsay, allegations, and even some of the people had to come and apologise. Aunty Frema knows my family very well and will drive straight to my father without the need for a middleman,” she said.

Adwoa Safo also clarified that she does not have a dollar account at Fidelity Bank, contrary to Agyapong’s claims that the money was deposited into a dollar account.

“Because of politics, when an issue comes, there are deliberate attempts to badmouth and derail you because you are excelling,” she added.

The MP further emphasized that her family is wealthy, and if she ever needed money, her father would be the one to provide it, not the party or any individual.

“I refute the claims of receiving money; it did not happen and can never happen. We don’t need money from someone to survive. People should not act as if we were picked from the roadside and had nothing,” she remarked.

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According to her, the influential name and her father’s contribution to society paved the way for her, particularly her journey to Parliament.

However, entering Parliament at age 29 and as one of the youngest, she had to work hard to maintain her position and also keep the name afloat.

The former Gender Minister disclosed this in an interview on Asempa FM’s Ekosii Sen, stating that her father’s name comes with a bigger responsibility.

“Everybody knows the contribution of my father and if I had failed with this name, it would have been a disgrace. I know I was accepted in Parliament because of that name so I can’t disassociate myself from that name.

“But it comes with a bigger responsibility because I couldn’t let my father’s name and his contribution go down the drain. I met elderly people in Parliament and I had to understudy people to rise through the ranks quickly,” she stated.

The former lawmaker also noted that her background as a lawyer also contributed to her 12-year successful journey in Parliament.

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Speaking on Adom FM’s Dwaso Nsem, he described the proposal as premature, considering Ghana’s current economic challenges.

The Minority Leader and Effutu MP, Alexander Afenyo-Markin, proposed the initiative during the inauguration of the Parliamentary Service Board for the ninth Parliament on Monday, March 17.

Emphasizing the need for modern infrastructure, Afenyo-Markin advocated for improved security measures and better healthcare facilities for lawmakers.

Acknowledging that the Minority Leader is a long-serving MP and may have a strong basis for his proposal, Aidoo maintained it was not a priority.

“We are all entitled to our views, and the Minority Leader expressed his, but for me, I don’t think we need our own hospital. He has been in Parliament for long and may be privy to certain things I am not as a first-timer.

“But I think with our current economic standing, we don’t need a hospital for MPs. It is premature and won’t be so important,” he stated.

Instead, the first-time MP proposed that Parliament consider adopting a particular hospital for legislators rather than initiating a new project.

“We can make arrangements like some state institutions have for their workers to seek healthcare. We will designate a hospital for the MPs and their families.

“There is no doubt that as MPs we need privacy, so we must ensure that the doctors at the designated hospitals comply with confidentiality,” he added.

Meanwhile, he further highlighted the need to upgrade and improve all hospitals in the country to deliver quality healthcare to all citizens.

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In an interview with Nhyira FM, the chairman of the NPP’s manifesto committee reflected on findings from the Ashanti Region regarding the party’s significant loss.

He noted that in previous elections, large crowds would gather in towns and cities to show support, but this was notably absent in 2024.

“I started seeing signs that the election would not be easy, but we still hoped for a better outcome. The fact that the elections were held in December allowed us to regain some support.

“If they had been conducted in August, Dr. Bawumia would have polled around 30% against John Mahama because, at that time, economic hardships were severe.

“However, conditions improved as we approached the elections, including the economic situation,” he said.

Dr. Bawumia polled 4,877,611 votes (41.75%) against his main contender, John Mahama, who garnered 6,591,790 (56.42%).

Findings from the Ashanti Region highlighted key factors contributing to the NPP’s defeat, including the party’s internal delegate system for selecting leaders, which affected grassroots mobilisation, and prevailing economic hardships that eroded public confidence.

According to Kyei-Mensah-Bonsu, President Akufo-Addo had been cautioned in 2017 by Asantehene Otumfuo Osei Tutu II about the dangers of allowing Ghanaians to become “hungry and angry.”

He noted that this warning was ignored, and economic struggles following COVID-19 and the Russia-Ukraine war negatively impacted the party’s fortunes.

Additionally, perceptions of corruption, President Akufo-Addo’s leadership style—viewed as rigid and single-minded—and accusations that the government was controlled by his family further alienated voters.

There were also concerns that Dr. Bawumia was too closely associated with the President and, being a Mamprusi, was linked to conflicts in the North, particularly in Bawku.

Another major concern was the perception that the Ashanti Region, a traditional stronghold of the NPP, had been neglected in terms of infrastructure development, creating a disconnect between the regional and constituency levels of the party.

Despite these challenges, Kyei-Mensah-Bonsu stressed that many NPP supporters were open about their grievances and indicated that they would return if necessary changes were made.

Regarding the party’s future leadership, he stated that while former President Akufo-Addo was no longer the party leader, any potential flagbearer would need to build upon his legacy.

As for whether Dr. Bawumia should continue as the party’s leader, he said this would depend on findings from the other 15 regions.

“So far, respondents in the Ashanti Region have said the loss was not related to Bawumia’s religion or ethnicity.

“We are waiting to hear from the other regions on his candidature. If there is a consensus, that will guide our decision moving forward.”

On Dr. Matthew Opoku-Prempeh’s selection as Dr. Bawumia’s running mate, Kyei-Mensah-Bonsu explained that while many people had urged him to take the position, he declined.

He noted that Dr. Bawumia preferred a running mate from the Ashanti Region with parliamentary experience, making Opoku-Prempeh a strategic choice.

“Napo is an experienced MP, and his age made him a viable successor should Dr. Bawumia complete two terms.

“His selection was also aimed at bridging the divide within the party between the Kufuor/Kyerematen and Akufo-Addo/Adu Boahen factions. While there were expectations that he would energise the youth vote, that did not materialise.”

Ultimately, Kyei-Mensah-Bonsu said the future of Dr. Bawumia as the party’s flagbearer and his choice of running mate would depend on the findings from the remaining regions.

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In an interview on Joy News’ PM Express Personality Profile on Friday, March 14, he reflected on his time in Parliament and how his absence has made him realize the weight of his role.

“Human as I am, I do miss Parliament,” the former Suame MP confessed.

“Occasionally, things come up, and you think that, well, maybe if I were to be around, I would be doing things differently.”

Having served in Parliament for nearly three decades, Mr. Kyei-Mensah-Bonsu was a dominant force in Ghana’s legislature, playing a crucial role in shaping policies, guiding the Majority Caucus, and managing legislative affairs.

His decision not to seek re-election marked the end of an era, and while he has since moved on, he admits he still feels a strong connection to the house.

“But let me say that I also engage the leadership on both sides, and colleagues call when there are issues to test my mind on those matters,” he revealed.

“And I think so far, so good—a few hiccups, though, that I thought shouldn’t have happened the way they did.”

Despite no longer being a sitting MP, his wealth of experience continues to be a valuable resource for Parliament. He noted that he is frequently consulted on key legislative matters and decision-making processes.

His departure came at a time when Ghana’s Parliament was undergoing significant shifts, with a near-equal split between the Majority and Minority caucuses.

When asked how Parliament is faring in his absence, Kyei-Mensah-Bonsu acknowledged that while there have been challenges, progress is being made.

“We’re making progress,” he stated, though his tone suggested a hint of concern.

While he did not explicitly mention any particular incidents, his reflections indicate a deep attachment to the institution he once served.

His continued involvement, even from the sidelines, is a testament to his enduring influence in Ghana’s political landscape.

As the country prepares for the next phase of its political journey, it remains to be seen what role Kyei-Mensah-Bonsu will play in the future.

For now, he watches from a distance, advising where necessary and occasionally feeling the pull of the chamber he once called home.

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Former Finance Minister and Karaga MP, Dr. Mohammed Amin Adam led a press conference on Thursday, March 13, 2025.

He accused Dr Forson of manipulating figures to present a sorry state of the economy handed over to the current administration.

Read full statement below:

NPP MINORITY PRESS CONFERENCE ON 2025 BUDGET STATEMENT- PARLIAMENT HOUSE

13^TH MARCH 2025

1. Let me begin by expressing our gratitude to you for your support in disseminating our message to the Ghanaian people. You continue to be our great partners in our quest to deepen our democratic dispensation.
2. You will recall that days before the Budget presentation to Parliament by the Hon. Minister for Finance, Hon. Casiel Ato Forson, who did the presentation on behalf of His Excellency President Mahama, we hinted at clandestine plans by the Government to manipulate fiscal data to support their baseless claims of inheriting a badly managed economy from the previous NPP Government. This carefully crafted strategy has been pursued right from the President himself during his message on the state of the Nation and repeated at the National Economic Dialogue. The 2025 Budget was, however, going to be the vehicle for confirming what has been perfectly rehearsed to crown the narrative by putting data to the unfounded claims. We have been vindicated. Our intelligence has been confirmed, and the Minister has done the hatched job.

3. The government through the 2025 Budget Statement has churned out fiscal deficit on commitment basis of 7.6% of GDP and a primary deficit of 3.6% of GDP. This would imply that the NPP administration mismanaged the fiscals in accord with the intentions of the NDC government. In fact, an economy with such strong revenue performance and expenditure management as we have seen from the data in the budget cannot produce the kind of elevated fiscal outturns the Minister announced; and this should prick every Ghanaian as this 2025 Budget brings our fiscal data into credibility crisis.
4. But colleagues, this is where it gets interesting, they have erroneously churned out wrong data in a bid to tarnish the image of the NPP administration by including GHs49.2 billion in expenditure claims without any basis.
5. Before the start of the IMF program in 2023, we had agreed with the IMF to set the fiscal anchor based on which we would monitor the IMF program and this were the fiscal balances on commitment basis (i.e. primary balance and overall fiscal balance). It was in a bid to have a real time view on arrears accumulation. So, we ring-fenced commitments that had gone through the GIFMIS system then and were awaiting payment. These commitments were termed outstanding expenditure claims. Thus, if you look at the 2022 budget outturn, you will see this concept in there. Per the IMF program, we then agreed to monitor the evolution of these claims vis-à-vis their net build-up. The reason for this approach is that Ghana is a developing nation with developmental needs and so, it was going to be unrealistic in the context of the program to not have new commitments, but the plan was to ensure that, on net terms, the build-up remained almost neutral to avoid a significant build-up in arrears which also hurts the economy.
6. Also, it is important to note that, if we look at the Arrears Clearance Strategy prepared by the Ministry of Finance and submitted to the IMF in 2023 in fulfilment of the end-September 2023 Structural Benchmark, the amount in expenditure claims which we described as arrears was GHs47.5 billion. This amount, after an ageing profile analysis, had payments outstanding from around 2012/2013.
7. While we do not doubt the possibility of accumulating some arrears between end-2022 and end-2024 given our own peculiar liquidity constraints, including outstanding expenditure claims gathered from MDAs, we are very surprised that this was done without first, undertaking the correct verification or audit of the numbers (which the Minister himself alluded to in his speech in paragraph 135 under 2025 expenditure measures as something he now intends to do). Therefore, just lifting a certain stock of expenditure claims of GHs49.2 billion and inserting it into the fiscal framework to create an impression as though all those claims were generated in 2024, is not just including expenditures that are alien to the fiscal framework, but also shows a clear lack of understanding of the mechanics of the fiscal framework which is quite surprising.

9. We must also note that our fiscal framework focuses on central government operations. Therefore, claims which have not been properly audited can introduce many elements of general government which is what we think has happened. A classic example is the Controller and Accountant General final accounts which is one of the sources of information for the fiscal framework but is based on General Government Accounting. If you take the information from it on the face value and plug it into the fiscal framework, you will be reporting on two very distinct items and so, what we usually do is to work through the numbers and pick the central government expenditures only. This can only be done through verifications and auditing.
10. It is curious how the Finance Minister will come to Parliament with a budget and say that the fiscal deficit and primary deficits on commitment were derived using a certain data on claims, which he is yet to audit. Yet he has announced results derived from the data to the effect that the economy is bad. It is too elementary to know that when you have not audited your figures, you cannot use them for an important work like the national budget; otherwise, you create credibility problems for the conclusions of the budget as the Hon. Ato Forson has just done.
11. The technical people at the Ministry are professionals and I don’t know if he refused their advice. What I know is that we have gone through 3 successful IMF reviews and the technical people never told me that we needed to compile claims from several years and include in the fiscal framework as if they were accumulated in 2024. This could not be done because the IMF Technical Memorandum defines how to derive the primary balance:

“The program’s primary fiscal balance is cumulative from the beginning of the fiscal year and is measured as the difference between the primary balance on cash basis from the financing side and of the net change in the stock of payables (“outstanding payments”) of the central government reported in GIFMIS, including payables of statutory/earmarked funds (SFs) defined as outstanding payments from the consolidated funds to the SFs, and of the energy sector, defined as the difference between the total fixed cost bills received by ECG from IPPs and fuel suppliers and the payment made by ECG and the Government of Ghana including exchange adjustment and Natural Gas Clearinghouse credit notes”

12. What the government has put together as “unreleased claims” of GHs49.2 billion cannot fit into this definition because they are not reported in the GIFMIS. Also, whilst the technical memorandum provides that the payables must be “cumulative from the beginning of the fiscal year”, those claims are multi-year claims. They are also not related to Statutory Funds and energy payments. The government must therefore explain how they came by the methodology used in computing the fiscal balances. I am really lost as to how they derived the fiscal balances without fully applying the methodology agreed with the IMF in the technical memorandum.

IMF Program

13. What is even more concerning is the Minister proudly declaring to the World based on the voodoo computations he has done; that his country has breached the IMF program when the evidence is to the contrary and when the IMF itself is yet to conduct a review of program implementation in April, 2025. How can the Minister of Finance publicly wish his country derailing an IMF program even before the IMF conducts a review? Yet the same Minister in this very budget projected to foreign financing for this budget for the year to include $720 million from IMF and $600 million from World Bank.
14. How come the government doesn’t know that when Ghana fails a review because of his manipulated numbers, they will not receive the $1.3 billion from the IMF and the World Bank? Do they know that all the reliefs we got from our debt restructuring – almost $4 billion of outright debt cancellation and another $7.5 billion in debt service relief – will all revert to the status quo before the debt restructuring exercise? Do they even know that when all these happen, Ghana will be brought back to unsustainable debt levels and occasion an economic crisis? How will they fund the programs outlined in the budget? How about investor credibility?
15. On the 2025 fiscal framework, another baseless revelation in the budget is the projection of a sudden reduction in the commitment primary deficit from 3.9% of GDP in 2024 to a sudden primary surplus of 1.5% of GDP in 2025. I wish it were that simple to adjust by 5.4 percentage points between one year. This renders the 2025 Budget as not credible and requiring serious scrutiny by the IMF and the Ghanaian people.
16. We, the Mighty Minority would like to call on the IMF to speak to this in the spirit of transparency which is one of the cardinal values of the Fund. This should be done as a matter of urgency before much damage is done to our country’s economy.

Debt Management

17. Already, the government has announced it is returning to the bond market yet could not even acknowledge the enhanced debt environment created by the previous NPP government for bringing Ghana’s debts to an accelerated sustainable path where our debt to GDP ended 2024 with 61.8%, lower than the pre-COVID-19 level of 65.7% in 2019. This compares favorably with the NDC’s debt to GDP of 73% in 2016 which was later revised as a result of the rebasing of GDP in 2018.
18. It is surprising nevertheless that notwithstanding the improvement in the debt environment, the timing of the announcement to open the bond market coincided with the announcement of the elevated fiscal deficits, a condition that exposes the country to high risk of borrowing from the markets. The effects of these unfortunate data manipulation are already hitting our economy. The government must know that just by presenting such erroneous data to score cheap political points, Ghana’s sovereign bond spreads are widening again nearing 700bps when almost 3 months ago, this had declined to the 500s and was heading downwards. Why do we want to destroy the gains which we have made through such cheap politics?
19. Also, Bloomberg reported last Tuesday 11^th March, the very day the Budget was presented to Parliament, that Ghana’s Dollar sovereign bonds were among bottom performers in emerging markets after the Minister for Finance said the country missed a primary budget balance target of 2024. Dollar bonds due 2035 declined 1.8% to 70.91 cents on the Dollar. Notes maturing in 2029 fell 1% to 86.965 cents on the Dollar. International markets have not reacted kindly to the budget demonstrating their lack of confidence in the government’s economic policy direction.
20. So, you see if you cook figures to create a narrative to run your country down, international investors will show you where power lies.
21. Sadly, if you took out the GHs49.2 billion introduced in the fiscal framework the overall fiscal deficit would be 3.4% and not the 7.6% announced by the Minister; whilst the primary balance on commitment would be a surplus of 0.6% and not the 3.1% the Minister churned out. Indeed, both the overall deficit and the primary balance would be better than the targets in the 2024 budget as well as the IMF targets for the next IMF Review to be conducted in April, 2025. Sorry to say, the government didn’t want this good narrative to signify the prudent performance of the economy under the NPP. I am wondering how well the international markets would have responded to the Budget if an accurate picture was put out. Ghana is the loser. A big opportunity missed because of unhealthy politics.
22. The reaction of the international markets will even be worse than this, in the event that the IMF Review fails because of the manipulated data used by the government. In good conscience, we believe that the IMF will be fair to the Ghanaian people by holding on to the agreed method of computing fiscal data during the Review, as they did in all the previous Reviews. Other than this, the Ghanaian people stand to suffer and not the politicians, from these obviously bad political decisions.
23. The Ghanaian people can recall that in the past, Ghana was fined $39 million for misreporting economic data to the IMF due to wrong data submitted by the NDC government led by President Rawlings. It appears we are on our way there under another NDC government. We wish to advise the Minister to tread cautiously in order not to derail our march to sustainable debt levels.
24. Ladies and gentlemen, as you know, the manipulation of the fiscal data notwithstanding, the strong health of the economy the NPP handed to the new NDC government continues to be vindicated by other economic indicators.
25. The Debt-to-GDP ratio of 61.8% achieved in 2024 was not by accident. It was due to skilled negotiations and the implementation of a good debt strategy. The Hon. Minister could not even acknowledge this important development by the imminent absence of this ratio in his budget speech. Sad! Whether we like it or not, it is historic, and history indeed will be kind to the Nana Akufo-Addo Government.

Growth Rate

26. Another good news for Ghana was the announcement of a real GDP growth rate of 5.7% for the 2024 fiscal year by the Ghana Statistical Service. This is the highest in five years. But the recovery from the global crises had begun in 2023, when GDP growth surpassed 1.5% to end the year at 3.1%. The 5.7% growth in 2024 was more than the budget target of 3.1% and the revised target of 4%. This growth was led by industry for the first time in many years with a growth of 7.1%, followed by services at 5.9% and agriculture at 2.8%. This means that the Ghanaian economy has entered the phase of structural transformation, another historic development.
27. Again, the Minister tried to downplay this major achievement by attributing this growth to mining which grew at 9.4%. However, what his own budget data is telling him is that the construction sub-sector grew by 9.6% higher than mining; and for the first time in many years, manufacturing also grew by 3.9%. In the services sector, we saw a notable growth of 15.8% in information and communications largely due to the digitalization agenda implemented by Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia.
28. Certainly, our economic growth story shows that growth was not a jobless growth and that was why up to 2.3 million Ghanaians got employed under the NPP government. Unfortunately for the NDC, their growth strategy produced lower growth throughout President Mahama’s first term and in particular producing 4% growth in 2015 and 3.4% in 2016. Curiously, with all the promises this 2025 budget seeks to implement, this government is projecting to achieve 4.4% growth. How could a reset economy slow growth, following a strong growth of 5.7% by a criminally mismanaged economy in the words of the President?
29. It is intriguing that the Government decided to project a lower growth of 4% for 2025 despite the talk about their “Big Push Infrastructure Programme” costing GHs13.8 bn. We encourage them and the IMF to relook at the real GDP growth projections again, especially mining and quarrying data as this gives the impression as though they have set a lower target to enable them easily to outperform and base the performance on their own government policies. They must be transparent with their growth projections.
30. It must also be noted that despite the hype about the 24-Hour Economy Initiative by the government, it does not promise to deliver accelerated growth in the economy as industry performance is not promising. The budget estimates that projected growth rates for industry averages 5% between 2025-2027, compared with Industry growth of 7.1% in 2024. What is the benefit of the 24-Hour Economy if industry doesn’t reach the heights of the previous NPP government?

External Sector

31. Still on our record performance, not only were the trade balances brought from deficits under President Mahama’s first term to surpluses under Akufo-Addo/Bawumia government, but our capacity to withstand shocks and other external vulnerabilities improved significantly with a record Gross International Reserves of $8.9 billion, the equivalent of 4 months of import cover. This compares better against the reset economy’s projected Gross International Reserves of 3 months of import cover.

Fiscal Sector

32. It is interesting that the Minister, in highlighting his fiscal policy strategy for 2025, uses phrases such as “it is crucial that we establish macroeconomic stability and debt sustainability”. A few months ago, the IMF concluded its 3rd programme review of the ECF. Let me quote just a section of the staff report:

“Ghana’s policy and reform efforts under the IMF-supported program have continued to deliver encouraging results. Following acute economic and financial pressures in 2022, the Fund-supported program has provided a credible anchor for the government to adjust macroeconomic policies and launch comprehensive reforms to restore macroeconomic stability and debt sustainability, while laying the foundations for higher and more inclusive growth. These efforts are paying off, with growth recovering rapidly, inflation declining, although at a slower pace, and the fiscal and external positions further improving. The medium-term outlook remains favorable but subject to downside risks, including those stemming from the elections and the challenges in the energy sector”.

33. We have laid a solid foundation for this government to operate and so it is very disingenuous for them to create an impression as though we have bequeathed an economy full of problems.

2025 Revenues

34. In 2025, the real growth of total revenue and grants is just about 0.2 percentage points of GDP (i.e. from 15.9% of GDP in 2024 to 16.1% of GDP). Which is from GHs186 bn to GHs224 bn. This growth in real terms is not encouraging. But the Minister disingenuously stated in the budget speech a projection of 17.4% of GDP. This is the minister saying something different from his own budget. This further raises credibility issues.

2025 Expenditures

35. Given the hype about the government’s 24hr economy, the 2025 Budget failed to even provide basic details of the program to the taxpayer. There is no programme in the budget on that. In fact, the minister said he will soon launch the policy. There is no money voted for it in the budget. So Ghanaians will have to wait until 2026 if we are lucky then we can have hope of seeing how this main campaign slogan can translate into jobs. The NDC campaigned on the 24 hour economy and yet they are in no hurry to deliver on it. In contradistinction, the NPP campaigned on free SHS and it was delivered in Akufo-Addo’s first budget of 20217. This is worrisome particularly when it has huge fiscal implications on the wage bill and goods and services. Yet, expenditure projections have been magically cut for goods and services and no provision made to accommodate its impact on the wage bill. This makes us very weary and skeptical about the credibility of the 2025 budget numbers.
36. The expenditure measures of uncapping transfers to some statutory funds to enable them to fund other government programmes is no brainer. Every government has at its discretion how to fund its programmes. While we capped the transfers to the statutory funds and used the capped funds to fund Free SHS and other programmes, this NDC government has decided to uncap transfers to the GETFUND so that GETFUND will fund Free SHS. How on earth is this brilliant? Also, by virtue of the debt restructuring, the government absorbed the GETFUND debt and so this is not new. So is the allocation of ABFA to their Big Push CAPEX budget. If this is how they want to spend ABFA, they are at liberty to do so once they amend the PRMA or the necessary Acts. The point here is that these measures are not new and it’s the government’s funding style.
37. Per the earmarked funds capping and realignment Act, it is ok for the Minister to exercise discretion with which SFs he/she decides to restore capped funds to. We did it for NHIS when they had a huge backlog of claims from before 2016. Also, part of the capped funds to the GETFUND was restored at some point. With the increase in capitation grant and LEAP, especially, the government had no choice under the IMF programme as we had developed a strategy paper on LEAP indexation as part of the IMF programme to protect the poor and vulnerable who were going to be affected by the fiscal consolidation from the programme. In this strategy, we had a phased increase in LEAP transfers to ensure that beneficiaries were not worse off following COVID and the rise in inflation. In fact, all the other social transfers like school feeding, capitation grant and NHIS aside from LEAP were expected to increase as part of the IMF programme.
38. The measures outlined to enable the private sector such as, Support for Women Entrepreneurs, Agriculture for Economic Transformation Agenda (AETA), Rapid Industrialization for Jobs Initiative, among others, are all centered heavily on government without stating specifics on empowering the private sector to take up the responsibility of pursuing infrastructure projects and other key developmental projects. The Budget failed to provide the mechanics of the policies, making it sound as though it was another reading of the NDCs manifesto.
39. These heavy expansionary policies signal that there is fiscal stress ahead of us, another reason that could explain the widening of Ghana’s bond spreads as investors do not trust the budget’s credibility. The 2025 budget is ambitious with plans to ‘reset’ Ghana’s economy. But the real test lies in its execution, and we will all be watching.

Ghana’s Debt

40. The discourse surrounding Ghana’s debt profile from 2009 to 2024 is both multifaceted and pivotal. Following the attainment of the HIPC completion and external debt relief, Ghana witnessed a remarkable decline in our public debt to GDP ratio. However, the public debt which stood at $8.07 billion in 2008 surged to $29.2 billion by 2016, marking a more than threefold increase. Cumulatively, this represents a growth rate, or an increase of about 261.83% in the total public debt stock. This rate of change indicates that on average, the NDC government added 32.75% debt to Ghana’s debt stock every year between 2009 to 2016.
41. Contrary to public perception, the public debt which stood at $29.2 billion in 2016 has increased to $52.3 billion as at the end of 2023 and to $49.3 billion following the debt restructuring programme. This marks a little over one and half increase in the overall public debt stock under the NPP. This represents an increase of about 68.83% in the total public debt stock.
42. Unlike the trajectory between 2009 to 2016, the NPP on average, has added about 8.6% to Ghana’s debt stock every year between 2017 to date. A rate far lower than the 32.75% witnessed under the NDC. This rate, significantly lower than the NDC administration, suggests superior economic management by the NPP, even amidst global economic challenges.
43. Furthermore, Examination of the role of Eurobonds as a primary avenue for government borrowing, shows that the high coupon rates, exemplified by the 10.75% rate in 2015 under the NDC, have imposed considerable financial strains on Ghana’s economic stability.
44. In October 2007, Ghana introduced its first Eurobond valued at $750 million, with a 10-year term and an 8.5% coupon rate. Subsequently, from 2013 to 2016, a total of four Eurobonds were issued, with one being issued each year during this period. In August 2013, a Eurobond totalling $1 billion was issued with a 7.875% coupon rate and a 10-year term. This issuance was executed as a component of a strategy aimed at decreasing debt-servicing expenses in Ghana (IMF, 2013). Subsequently, in September 2014, an additional issuance of $1 billion occurred. The bond carried a yield of 8.125% and featured a flexible repayment schedule spanning three years, from 2014 to 2016 (Ghana Economic Update, 2014).
45. What is intriguing to note here is that although the issuance was deemed successful, the interest rate surpassed the average for Sub-Saharan Africa during that period (IMF, April 2015). Consequently, due to these Eurobonds, total interest payments on loans, which stood at 3.2% of GDP in 2012, surged to 6% in 2014 (World Bank PBG, 2015).
46. In October 2015, Ghana once more issued a Eurobond, this time amounting to $1 billion, featuring a coupon rate of 10.75% and a final maturity of 15 years. The 10.75 percent coupon paid by the government in 2015 is recognized as the highest among any African country from 2007 to 2020 in the Eurobond market. This coupon rate of over 10 percent was even after a world bank IDA policy-based guarantee, an indication that the economy was so bad that even with MIGA guarantee, Ghana attracted the highest coupon rate of any African country issuing bonds.
47. What is more intriguing here is that the NPP government upon assuming office in 2017 had to pay off two (2) out of the four (4) Eurobond issued under the NDC government in 2013 and 2016 respectively. The African Development Bank loan for the terminal 3 project in 2015 had interest rate of 8.5% recorded in the books of GCAA and the NPP renegotiated the interest of that loan to 5% in 2018. The initial loan agreement on the Tema-Akosombo standard gauge railway project signed in November 2016 and financed by the Eximbank of India had 6 Months Libor + 1.75% but the NPP government in May 2017 went to India to renegotiate it down to 6 Months Libor + 1.50%.
48. The Pokuase interchange project financed by the African Development bank also led to renegotiation into a tier 4 under Nana Addo with same financing arrangement just as the tier 3 under the NDC. In 2016, the NDC collateralized the Road fund for GH¢1.2 billion loan at UBA Bank at an interest rate of 31.9% with 2years maturity period. The NPP in 2017 refinanced the loan with another facility from GCB Bank and Fidelity Bank at an interest rate of 22% which came with 3years longer tenure.

Financial Sector Performance

49. The Bank of Ghana’s 2017 and 2024 publication “Summary of Economic and Financial Data” provides very rich information about the performance of the financial sector. The annual growth in Total Assets of the financial sector as at the end of 2024 was 33.8%. This compares to an annual growth of 27.6% as at the end of 2016. The Annual Growth in total deposits as at the end of 2024 was 28.8% as compared to 24.5% in 2016.Similarly, in terms of liquidity, core liquid assets to short-term liabilities grew by 46.3% in 2024.
50. The Capital market shows similar strong performance with the GSE All Share Index Year to Date growing by 56.2% by December 2024. The earnings and profitability ratios also show that Return on Asset before Tax recorded an annual growth of 5.4% in December 2023 and 5% in December 2024; whilst Return on Equity after tax grew at 34.2% in December 2023 and 30.8% in December 2024. It is no secret that the strength of an economy is also determined by the strength of its financial sector.

Yield Curve

51. ‘Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to report that our government’s proactive fiscal management has yielded a significant reduction in treasury bill rates. This achievement is a testament to the positive shift in investor sentiment regarding our country’s economic outlook.’’
52. However, there are interesting things happening on the T bill market.
53. Lower T-bill rates: commendable
54. But why are the rates dropping?
    • Artificially managed by the Minister for Finance?
    • is it sustainable?
    • Is the Finance ministry controlling both price and quantity?

53. I ask these questions because of two reasons. First, the decline is not consistent with the economic fundamentals – inflation at 23.5% and MPR at 27% while 91-day T bill at 19.76%. What it means is that the commercial banks who purchase these bills will be having negative real returns. Do you think any Banks or any good treasurer will be prepared to accept an offering lower than inflation? A good treasure will not do this. And if any good treasurer will not do this, don’t we suspect artificial hands to bring rates down for propaganda purposes. If this is generated by economic fundamentals, then the monetary policy rate is out in line with the market. Is the Central Bank ready to bring the MPR down to where inflation is? If not, then there is something fundamentally wrong with the rates drop. If this is sustained and inflation is continuously above the T bill rate, any rational treasury management will find solace in currency trading other than T bills that give a negative real rate of return. Then the disinflation process will dislodge.
54. Secondly, there appears to be what looks like the BoG subordinating its monetary policy to fiscal policy? We all agree there is excess liquidity in the market. The BoG Act 2002 (Act 612) and the BoG (Amendment) Act 2016 (Act 918) establish the banks objective as maintaining price stability. The bank controls inflation and manage liquidity through open market operations (OMO). OMO both 14 and 56 days are issued at is MPR +/-2. (Liquidity framework). If this is done, treasurers will not go to the T bill at a rate below inflation. Is the BoG doing the OMO? There is excess liquidity in the system so under what justification are they not doing OMO
55. This is only possible as a result of something causing a disfunction on the T- bill market engineered by the Finance Minister to control both price and quantity. Consequently, inflation will go up and there will be pressure on the currency.
56. Clearly, we can see that there is excess liquidity in the system. So, one will be extremely surprised if, indeed, the BoG is staying out of the OMO market. I really hope that is not the case. Because if this is the case, then it is clear the central bank is compromising monetary policy objectives for short-term gain by the MOF. How can the governor agree in a meeting with Banks that he will revise the currency reserve ratio (CRR) in the midst of such excess liquidity.? And at the same time, stay away from OMO? This is setting up a scenario where we will see inflation rising again. Meanwhile, the banks are not lending. That’s why they are bringing to the T bill market. If you continue to artificially force the rates down against the trends in the economic fundamentals, they will begin to buy forex.

EVERY DAY ISSUES

Ladies and gentlemen of the press, ahead of the budget reading, there are a number of issues that many Ghanaian youth and small businesses were expecting will be addressed by the new Government’s economic policy. These included issues of Cost-of-Living challenges, unemployment, investments in infrastructure, investments in education and efforts to improve the business climate.

57. Unfortunately, these issues were not addressed by the economic policy. For those who were looking forward to efforts to halt further increases in electricity bills, they were disappointed to note that electricity prices would rather be adjusted every quarter. This quarterly adjustment, with no policy intervention from the NDC government will mean an increase in electricity tariffs every quarter. Worse is that the government clandestinely removed the subsidies on gas prices thereby increasing the weighted average cost of gas from $7.8 to $8.4 per mmbtu. What this means is that not only will energy prices go up, but they will go up at a higher base rate from now on. No hope when it comes to resetting energy pricing.
58. Fuel price increases which influenced the choices of many drivers in the last election, also did not see a respite in policy direction. Contrary to the NDCs promise that they will use special petroleum levy to intervene in the market and cushion consumers, the government went silent on fuel pricing. Ladies and gentlemen, without any policy intervention announced in the budget, it stands to reason that drivers can expect the rises in fuel prices to continue. No hope when it comes to resetting fuel pricing.
59. Food inflation has been a major challenge to most Ghanaians. In the months recently gone by, you will recall how food prices, the size of a ball of kenkey and others have become topical for Ghanaians. In the policies outlined by the Government, there is no efforts to deal with the issues that affect the key drivers of food inflation. The governments program is only to boost production like the NPP did under the Planting for food and jobs program. The key remaining challenges such as the transportation of food items from farm gates, poor storage of foodstuff, and a liberalised pricing regime means that continuous increases in food prices, have not been addressed. Food price inflation will therefore remain in the medium term. The 2025 economic policy has not addressed it. There is no hope when it comes to resetting the trend of food inflation.
60. Transport fares can be expected to unfortunately continue rising. This is because the government has not introduced any measures to intervene with market forces. The underlying issues of fuel and the increasing cost of imported spare parts have not been addressed by the 2025 economic policy. There is no hope when it comes to resetting increases in transport fares.
    61. On the matter of unemployment, the youth were looking forward to either high growth targets to create jobs or at the least government employment programs in the public service have been sorely disappointed. Unfortunately neither of these were expressed in the budget. Instead in paragraph 478 of the policy document, the Government announces a net freeze on public sector hirings. Growth is also rather constrained to 4.4% YoY as against the NPPs 5.7% growth. If growth was expected to go higher there could have been hope that young people will even find jobs in an expanded economy through private sector. Despite the rhetoric, the facts are that the hope for jobs has been extinguished. There is no resetting here. Actually the situation will be getting worse. Is this the reason why the administration from the onset deliberately dismissed thousands of young people who had been properly recruited by the previous administration so as to create artificial vacancies to be used in recruiting some of the NDC youth?

62. While improving the job creation ecosystem is a problem it is alarming how however the compensation budget of the office of Government machinery has ballooned from GHS 327 million, to GHS 2.7 billion. This is while the government claims to have hired less workers at the Presidency. It is only the NDC that hires less workers but compensation budgets balloon. Yet there is no room for youth jobs in the public services and constrained growth in the economy to absorb other unemployed youth. There hope of a reset on the jobs agenda is fading.
63. Infrastructure investments are known to be a key to opening up the space for growth and jobs in the economy. Unfortunately, however the government has failed in making the necessary budget allocations to give meaning to its planned infrastructure program – the big Push. Out of the expected $2.5billion to kick start the program this year, the government has announced that it can only make available 800m (less than 1 billion). In effect, the Big Push itself needs a push if anything meaningful will happen in infrastructure.
64. Even more worrying is that the Agenda 111 project which many districts are looking forward to, appears to be heading for a halt. Budget allocations for its continuation appear illusive. The dedicated source of funding GIIF Health, which was receiving funds from the Capex allocation of ABFA is now constrained as the government signals it will be cutting funding to GIIF. Furthermore no clear alternative financing has been identified in the budget to fund the project. This is truly worrying. Not only is it contrary to the NDCs promises to health workers that it will continue the projects, abandoning them or giving them out as franchises will jeorpadize the efforts at universal health coverage. The millions of citizens in remote districts who are looking forward to their lives being saved from this healthcare intervention are now at risk. Mr President, in the name of God, please do not abandon them for political reasons.

IMF

65. The expenditure measures of uncapping transfers to some statutory funds to enable them to fund other government programmes is no brainer. Every government has at it’s discretion how to fund its programmes. While we capped the transfers to the statutory funds and used the capped funds to fund Free SHS and other programmes, this NDC government has decided to uncap transfers to the GETFUND so that GETFUND will fund Free SHS. How on earth is this brilliant? Also, by virtue of the debt restructuring, government absorbed the GETFUND debt and so this is not new. So is the allocation of ABFA to their Big Push CAPEX budget. If this is how they want to spend ABFA, they are at liberty to do so once they amend the PRMA or the necessary Acts. The point here is that, these measures are not new and it’s the government’s funding style.
66. Per the earmarked funds capping and realignment Act, it is ok for the Minister to exercise discretion with which SFs it restores capped funds to. We did it for NHIS when they had a huge backlog of claims from before 2016. Also, part of the capped funds to the GETFUND was restored at some point.
67. With the increase in capitation grant and LEAP, especially, the government had no choice under the IMF programme as we had developed a strategy paper on LEAP indexation as part of the IMF programme to protect the poor and vulnerable who were going to be affected by the fiscal consolidation from the programme. In this strategy, we had a phased increase in LEAP transfers to ensure that beneficiaries were not worse off following COVID and the rise in inflation. In fact, all the other social transfers aside LEAP were expected to increase as part of the IMF programme.

Thank you

According to him, the budget offers no hope and fails to provide clear solutions to Ghana’s economic challenges.

Speaking on the floor of Parliament after Finance Minister Dr. Cassiel Ato Forson’s presentation on Tuesday, the Effutu MP expressed disappointment over the lack of a detailed plan for the much-discussed 24-hour economy policy.

“Mr Speaker, we have witnessed what we can best describe as an ‘Azaa budget’. Their much-talked-about 24-hour economy—where is it? The President came here and said it was already in motion. Now, the Finance Minister presents the budget, and there is no mention of it,” he stated.

He also dismissed the government’s economic projections and questioned its recovery strategy.

“This afternoon, we have been presented with part two of the lamentation series. The first was ‘Mahamanomics,’ and now we have ‘Forcinomics,’” Afenyo-Markin said.

“Under the economy they complain about, growth was 5.7 percent, but under their so-called reset economy, growth is projected to decline,” he added.

He emphasized that Ghanaian youth had high expectations for the 24-hour economy policy, hoping it would create jobs and drive economic transformation.

“Mr Speaker, the youth of this country have been waiting for this 24-hour economy policy, yet the Minister tells us it will be brought later. Eii, Ato! So all the jobs they promised were merely an ‘Azaa’ promise?” he quizzed.

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Describing Miracles as arrogant, Prof. Gyampo stated that such attitudes contributed to the NPP’s defeat in the 2024 elections.

According to him, he had hoped Miracles and other NPP members would learn from their loss and improve, but nothing seems to have changed.

“I thought after your long push into oblivion following your arrogance in public communications—which played a role in pushing your party into opposition—you would come back more sober and better refined to warm yourself into the hearts of Ghanaians. But it appears you haven’t learnt,” he wrote in a social media post.

Prof. Gyampo’s remarks follow claims by the former Director of Communication for the 2024 Bawumia Campaign Team, who alleged on Asempa FM’s Ekosii Sen that he was not surprised by Gyampo’s appointment, as he had actively lobbied for the role.

Miracles further claimed he had always known Gyampo to be a National Democratic Congress (NDC) member who served the party’s interests.

In response, Prof. Gyampo dismissed the claims in a Facebook post, stating that many respected figures within the NPP had urged him to “ceasefire” and focus on his role at GSA. However, he hinted at continuing his critiques of the NPP.

“Many of the guys you respect in your party have asked that I ceasefire, focus on my new task of protecting the interests of shippers, reducing the cost of doing business, and deepening international trade, and allow you to recuperate from the deadly knockout punches Ghanaians gave to you and your party.

“I was almost yielding to this call, but it appears I must revise my notes. I can multitask, so I will resume talking about your party to Ghanaians alongside my work. You and your party must show stamina as I go on this tangent. I have the stamina to withstand you and your party, so you too, talk about me to Ghanaians and let’s see who gets listened to,” he added.

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Listen to Miracles in the video below:

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According to him, Adomako Baafi did not understand why he should be his boss for the electioneering campaign.

As a result, he did not fully execute his duties and attended only one meeting throughout the period.

Mr. Aboagye made these revelations on Asempa FM’s Ekosii Sen while responding to Adomako Baafi’s claims that he hoarded campaign funds and took control of all activities.

Denying the allegations, Miracles Aboagye asserted that it was part of a deliberate scheme to sabotage his work and make him fail so that Adomako Baafi could score political points.

“He had his roles and assignments just like my other deputies. So many people played several roles, but he didn’t because he wasn’t well 90% of the campaign period.

“I called him after he made the allegations, and he couldn’t really say anything. Other people also called him, and it was the same thing, but it is deliberate, and there is nothing I can do about it,” he stated.

Admitting that insults and allegations were common in politics, he maintained that such tactics were meant to discourage him but would not succeed.

Miracles Aboagye pledged his commitment to focusing on his work, stressing that such attacks would only motivate him to work harder.

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According to him, the name was inspired by his birthday, April 5, which coincides with St. Vincent’s Day in Roman Catholic tradition.

Growing up in Koforidua in the Eastern Region, where both of his parents worked as teachers, Oppong Nkrumah spent his early years there. However, when his mother was transferred to Accra, the family had to relocate, leaving everything behind—including their dog.

Upon their arrival in Accra, he was enrolled at St. Bernadette School, where most students had English names. To fit in, his father chose the name “Vincent” for him.

“In 1989, I was around seven when my mum was transferred to Wesley Grammar, and that was the first time I came to Accra. But after I went to SHS, I decided to maintain my name, Kojo,” he revealed in an interview on Adom TV’s M’ashyase3 with Afia Amankwa Tamakloe.

Recalling his early academic struggles in Accra, the former Information Minister admitted that he initially found it difficult to adjust to the new learning system.

Having been one of the top students at Pentecost School in Koforidua, he suddenly found himself struggling at St. Bernadette.

“At St. Bernadette, they were writing in cursive, and I was used to writing with my left hand. As a child, I was beaten to stop using my left, so it became challenging. From Class 3 to JHS 1, I didn’t know how to learn because I was used to rote memorization in Koforidua, so I struggled,” he recounted.

Determined to improve, he adopted a new study method by using past questions from a friend’s elder brother.

His headmistress also took a keen interest in his academic progress, ensuring that he stayed focused.

“She didn’t want me to go wayward, so she was particular about my choice of schools. After engaging my mother, I eventually went to Pope John’s because my mum said she had some colleagues there who could keep an eye on me,” he recalled.

Listen to Oppong Nkrumah’s story in the video attached above:

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“They said they were there to serve me a notice because I was not duly elected in 2020, hence their decision to serve me. And that the C.I. was not constitutional,” he stated.

Amewu expressed concerns over Ghana’s democratic practice, questioning whether government officials should be treated in such a manner.

He noted that the incident has been reported to the police but declined any protection.

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According to the former Director-General of the State Interests and Governance Authority (SIGA), several party members who believe in his leadership have urged him to run.

Speaking in an interview on Asempa FM’s Ekosii Sen, Mr. Boadu revealed he is giving serious thought to the suggestion.

“There are a lot of proposals for me. Some believe that with the level I have reached and my background, if I provide guidance to the other executives as Chairman, it will be worth it. So when it happens that way, I will consider,” he stated.

Mr. Boadu emphasized his qualifications for the role, adding that few could match his sacrifices and experience in the party.

He further disclosed that while some people have suggested he re-contest for the General Secretary position, he has ruled it out entirely.

“I am tired of the General Secretary role, and the insults are too much,” he added.

John Boadu has risen through the ranks of the NPP, starting as a polling station chairman and later serving as General Secretary. He is also the longest-serving officer at the NPP headquarters.

In 2022, he sought reelection but lost to his successor, Justin Frimpong Koduah.

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Former General Secretary of the New Patriotic Party (NPP), John Boadu, has credited the party’s success in the 2020 election to former President Nana Akufo-Addo’s effective handling of the COVID-19 pandemic.

In an interview on Asempa FM’s Ekosii Sen show, Boadu explained that retaining power as a sitting government is no easy feat, especially during challenging times like the COVID-19 crisis.

He pointed out that, despite the global hardship, the NPP was able to navigate through successfully.

“Ask yourself why no sitting government’s party won the election during the 2020 election, and if there were any hardship, it was the government that is to be blamed,” Boadu said, emphasizing Akufo-Addo’s leadership during the pandemic.

Boadu acknowledged that while the NPP faced some challenges, particularly a reduction in parliamentary seats, the party still performed admirably.

“Even though our parliamentary number reduced, our party members did extremely well during the 2020 elections,” he noted.

He concluded by stating that, despite the hurdles, the NPP benefited greatly from the strong management of the COVID-19 crisis by Akufo-Addo.

“We were also lucky because Nana Addo Dankwa Akufo-Addo managed the COVID situation excellently,” he added.

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The report, particularly from the Ashanti Region, has sparked significant controversy.

Boadu emphasized that it was improper for any particular region to conduct its own fact-finding mission, as the national secretariat had already appointed a committee for such purposes.

However, he acknowledged that while regions or constituencies are free to conduct their own research, the findings must remain internal and not be shared publicly.

In an interview on Asempa FM’s Ekosii Sen show, Boadu stated, “You can’t stop people from examining themselves, but it should be internal. We should stop the mass distribution.”

He also cautioned against defending the public release of the report, stressing that it was poorly managed. “We should admit we made a mistake which would not repeat itself and move on,” he added.

The report, which has been at the center of much debate, attributed the NPP’s poor performance, particularly in the Ashanti Region, to the leadership style of former President Nana Akufo-Addo.

It described the leadership as rigid, single-minded, and overly influenced by family members. Additionally, the report criticized the party’s process for selecting presidential, parliamentary, national, and regional executives.

The committee collected insights from respondents across all 47 constituencies in the Ashanti Region, including a wide range of people such as ‘trotro’ and taxi drivers, market women, traders, business owners, artisans, youth groups, teachers, doctors, and other professionals.

In response to the mixed reactions over the report’s contents, former Majority Leader and Suame MP Osei Kyei-Mensah-Bonsu, who led the committee, clarified that the report had been leaked by unknown individuals.

He insisted that the committee never intended to make the report public and had no intention of tarnishing anyone’s reputation.

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In an interview on Asempa FM’s Ekosii Sen, Kyei-Mensah-Bonsu revealed that the NPP wanted a leader from the Central region, following the appointment of Dr. Cassiel Ato Forson from the same region as the Minority Leader.

He emphasized that the NPP aimed to dominate and increase visibility in the region.

“President Mahama was yet to select his running mate, but we knew it would likely be Prof. Jean Naana Opoku-Agyemang, and Ato Forson had taken over from Haruna Iddrisu. The NPP felt our strength and performance had weakened in the Central region,” he explained.

Kyei-Mensah-Bonsu, who resigned on February 21, 2024, at a crucial meeting with former President Akufo-Addo and the NPP leadership at the Jubilee House, was succeeded by his then-Deputy Majority Leader and Effutu MP, Alexander Afenyo-Markin.

Reflecting on his resignation, he expressed confidence in the decision, saying, “Per our constitution, the leader is chosen by the party people in parliament, not outside, but I didn’t want to drag issues or create problems.”

He added, “Time will tell if it was the right move. Maybe I will be blamed for the party’s defeat in the election, but that’s okay.”

Kyei-Mensah-Bonsu left his position with a sense of peace, trusting that his decision was in the best interest of the party.

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Speaking in an interview on Asempa FM’s Ekosii Sen, the former Suame Member of Parliament shared that ahead of a crucial meeting, some MPs and ministers had hinted that his removal was imminent.

He recounted how about 80 MPs and several ministers urged him to resist the move, pledging their unwavering support.

Despite this, he decided to step down for the sake of unity within the party and the parliamentary front.

“We had all gathered in a room waiting for the president to begin the meeting. About 80 out of the 137 MPs signed a petition asking me not to step down because they would support me. Likewise, some ministers encouraged me to hold on as Majority Leader,” he explained.

However, during the meeting, former President Akufo-Addo informed him that the decision was not solely his but had been made in consultation with party leadership.

The General Secretary also spoke, and when asked if he had anything to say, Kyei-Mensah-Bonsu announced his resignation.

“The MPs who supported me were disappointed, but I didn’t want to be the cause of any implosion within the party,” he added. “I didn’t want to be the eye of any storm, so I just resigned.”

Kyei-Mensah-Bonsu officially resigned on February 21, 2024, following discussions with NPP leadership at the Jubilee House.

He was succeeded by Alexander Afenyo-Markin, the Member of Parliament for Effutu.

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They have been asked to step aside, pending an appearance before the Regional Disciplinary Committee.

This was communicated in a letter signed by Upper East Regional NPP Chairman, Anthony Namoo, Esq.

The suspended executives include Awinimi Emmanuel – Constituency Communication Officer, Belingumse Sawuda – 2nd Vice Chairman, Haruna Salam – Assistant Secretary, Kazussah Jacob – Treasurer, Salifu Ibn Adam – Elections and Research Officer, and Iddrisu Kadiri – Deputy Nasara Coordinator.

Mr. Awinimi confirmed the development in an interview with Accra-based Citi News but stated that their offenses are yet to be communicated.

“When I opened the letter, they said they had suspended me as Communication Officer of the party in the constituency and that the Regional Disciplinary Committee will invite me. I said okay. So I took my letter. That is all I can say,” he said.

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The Chairperson of the EC, Jean Mensa, made this known at an Inter-Party Advisory Committee (IPAC) meeting held at the EC’s corporate office in Accra last Wednesday.

The meeting was attended by political party representatives, civil society organisations, the media and state institutions, with the aim of rekindling cooperation and collaboration between the EC and its stakeholders.

Mrs Mensa said the meeting with the two parties was expected to provide an opportunity for in-depth discussion on the matter and bring a finality to it.

“We will have an in-depth meeting to discuss it,” the EC Chairperson said.

However, no specific date has been set for the meeting.

Background

The Ablekuma North Constituency election result has delayed due to the incomplete results sheets from some polling stations.

That notwithstanding, the commission has been working tirelessly to finalise the results, which have been plagued by delays and disagreements.

The process has been suspended seven times, including January 8, 2025, when the Returning Officer resigned over a dispute about the authentication of pink sheets.

Since then, tension has been high in the constituency, with supporters of the NDC and NPP clashing over the results.

The NDC claims their candidate, Ewurabena Aubyn, won the parliamentary contest while the NPP insists its candidate, Nana Akua Owusu Afriyie, won it.

In the heat of the contention, both parties have mounted billboards in the constituency to thank the electorate in the constituency for their votes.

Ablekuma North Constituency, with a total of 281 polling stations, has verified results from 278 polling stations.

The outstanding three polling stations have become points of contention between the NDC and the NPP.

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Speaking at the swearing-in ceremony of TESCON executives at Ghana Communication Technology University(GCTU), Mr. Asante emphasized the critical role of student activists in shaping the party’s future.

He called on TESCON members across various campuses to be proactive in communicating the party’s vision, assuring them of his unflinching support in providing training and guidance to those willing to step up.

Further, he charged the newly inducted executives to embark on an aggressive membership drive and establish a comprehensive database of all TESCON members.

This, he explained, would ensure proper coordination and strategic planning to strengthen the party’s grassroots mobilization efforts.

Mr. Asante also underscored the long-term benefits of active participation in TESCON, affirming that it serves as a stepping stone to leadership within the NPP.

He cited prominent figures such as Bantama MP; Francis Asenso Boakye, former Sports Minister; Isaac Kwame Asiamah, Damango MP; Samuel Abu Jinapor, Akuapem North MP; Sammy Awuku, NPP General Secretary, Justin Frimpong Kodua, NPP Organiser; Henry Nana Boakye (Nana B), Nhyiaeso MP; Stephen Amoah to mention but just a few as shining examples of former TESCON members who have risen to key positions within the party and in government.

Krobea supported the GCTU TESCON with an undisclosed amount and expressed gratitude to all participants and urged them to brace themselves for the crucial task ahead.

He stressed that their dedication and hard work would be the fulcrum of securing victory for the NPP.

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The presentation will be done by the NPP leadership in Parliament, led by the Minority Leader and Effutu MP, Alexander Afenyo-Markin.

This follows President John Dramani Mahama’s State of the Nation Address (SONA) delivered on February 27, 2025.

In a statement, the NPP claimed that the President omitted critical national issues and misrepresented the current state of the country.

The statement signed by the NPP Chairman, Stephen Ayesu Ntim, said the address lacked a comprehensive and accurate assessment of the nation’s trajectory since Mahama took office on January 7, 2025.

The NPP cited several issues, including deteriorating power supply, rising security challenges, increasing illegal mining activities, and a growing employment crisis, which the President failed to touch on.

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Read the full statement below:

“We are happy to participate in the National Economic Dialogue if the administration will reinstate the thousands of young people that it has sacked from public sector jobs.

“You don’t get to sack young people from the jobs that they have been rightly employed to, and say that after you had sacked them, and you are home, you are inviting us to a national economic dialogue. Reinstate them, invite us to a national economic dialogue, and we will participate in it,” he stated in an interview on Accra-based Citi FM.

Mr. Oppong Nkrumah’s condition follows President Mahama’s invitation to the opposition during the State of the Nation Address (SONA) on Thursday.

The President emphasized that the dialogue, scheduled for March 3 and 4, 2025, would focus on identifying structural reforms and policy priorities necessary to reset the country’s economic trajectory.

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Speaking on Joy FM’s Top Story on Wednesday, February 26, he highlighted findings from a fact-finding report on the party’s electoral performance in the Ashanti Region, which revealed widespread dissatisfaction with the increasing monetisation of internal elections.

“Observations coming from all 47 constituencies in Ashanti show that party members, supporters, and sympathisers are all calling for a review of the delegate system,” he stated.

According to him, the current delegate system, which determines the selection of party executives and candidates, has been heavily influenced by money, leading to voter apathy and division within the party.

“The process has become overly monetised, and that has already led to apathy in the party. It needs a complete overhaul,” he stressed.

Calls for Expansion of Voting Rights

One key recommendation from the report is to expand voting rights to all registered NPP members instead of restricting decision-making to a select group of delegates.

“Some say we should go further downstream and allow all NPP members to participate in the voting process, whether at the polling station, constituency, regional, or national level,” he explained.

He argued that expanding participation would enhance transparency and reduce the influence of money in the selection of party executives, parliamentary candidates, and presidential candidates.

Vote-Buying Undermining Party Integrity

Reflecting on the evolution of the delegate system, Kyei-Mensah-Bonsu noted that it initially involved basic incentives such as food and transportation allowances.

However, he lamented that the system has now escalated into full-blown vote-buying, undermining the party’s integrity.

“People think that what we are doing now is not serving the interest of the party. It’s causing divisions and polarisation, and some individuals are taking undue advantage, turning the party structures into a money-making machine,” he said.

Concerns Over Leadership Style and Electoral Performance

The fact-finding report, which he led, outlined key factors behind the NPP’s electoral struggles, particularly in its stronghold, the Ashanti Region.

The report cited concerns about the leadership style of former President Nana Akufo-Addo, describing it as rigid, overly centralised, and dominated by close family members.

Additionally, questions were raised about the mode of selecting the party’s presidential, parliamentary, national, and regional executives, with calls for reforms to restore transparency and fairness.

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