Year after year, torrential rains transform parts of the country, notably the capital city, Accra, into zones of distress, where livelihoods, infrastructure, and lives are tragically lost. Despite decades of experience and numerous warnings from climate experts, flooding continues to wreak havoc, highlighting significant gaps in Ghana’s preparedness and resilience strategies. Addressing flooding in Ghana is no longer merely a policy issue—it has become a moral and economic imperative. Floods not only lead to immediate loss of lives and destruction of property but also perpetuate a cycle of poverty, disrupt economic growth, and strain public resources. The inability to adequately manage these flood risks has far-reaching implications, affecting everything from public health and education to business continuity and foreign investment confidence.

This article seeks to inform and persuade policymakers, government officials, and community leaders of the urgent necessity to tackle this critical issue comprehensively. Through a detailed historical overview of flooding in Accra since the era of Ghana’s first president, Kwame Nkrumah, the piece will explore governmental responses and their effectiveness, present an assessment of the current impacts of flooding, discuss related natural disaster vulnerabilities, and ultimately propose a strategic roadmap to build resilience and preparedness. The goal is clear—to inspire bold and decisive action from leadership, informed by innovative solutions and tailored specifically to Ghana’s unique geographical, economic, and social realities. As the frequency and severity of extreme weather events continue to rise globally, Ghana faces a pivotal moment in which decisive action today will determine the nation’s resilience tomorrow. The subsequent sections will outline the magnitude of the challenge and set forth actionable insights to ensure Ghana is not only prepared for the rains ahead but emerges stronger, safer, and more resilient.

1. Historical Context of Flooding in Accra

Flooding in Accra, Ghana’s vibrant capital, has been a persistent challenge that has evolved significantly since Ghana gained independence in 1957 under the leadership of Kwame Nkrumah. Historically, flooding events were recorded as early as the 1930s, but have grown progressively severe and frequent due to urbanization, climate change, and inadequate urban planning (Asumadu-Sarkodie et al., 2015). In 1959, Accra faced one of its earliest significant flooding episodes after independence, prompting early governmental recognition of flooding as a critical issue.

However, despite these early warnings, substantial infrastructural solutions were limited in scope and effectiveness (Songsore et al., 2014). Subsequently, notable flooding events occurred repeatedly, including severe episodes in 1968, 1973, 1986, and 1991, each progressively highlighting the increasing vulnerability of Accra to extreme weather events (Songsore et al., 2014). A particularly catastrophic event occurred on July 4, 1995, when Accra experienced unprecedented rainfall—approximately 258 mm in just five hours, the highest recorded rainfall event since 1936 (Douglas et al., 2008).

This disaster resulted in significant casualties, displacement of thousands, and extensive infrastructural damage, illustrating both natural vulnerabilities and deep systemic deficiencies in urban planning and governance.

The frequency and intensity of flooding continued into the 21st century, marked notably by severe events in 2001, 2010, and the tragic floods of June 3, 2015. The 2015 floods were catastrophic, exacerbated by an explosion at a GOIL fuel station at Kwame Nkrumah Circle, causing over 200 fatalities and significant public outrage, demanding urgent government action (Amoako & Inkoom, 2018). This incident became a watershed moment, showcasing not only infrastructural inadequacies but also systemic failures in disaster preparedness and emergency response coordination. Government responses to flooding challenges over the decades have included the creation of agencies such as the National Disaster Management Organization (NADMO) in 1996, primarily tasked with disaster relief and coordination.

NADMO, despite its crucial role, often operates reactively rather than proactively, limited by resource constraints, coordination difficulties, and insufficient preventive planning (Amoako, 2016). Infrastructure developments like the Weija Dam, constructed in 1978 to provide potable water, were designed with multipurpose functions but have inadvertently contributed to flooding problems. Frequent necessary spillage from the Weija Dam during heavy rains has caused recurrent flooding downstream, demonstrating complexities and unintended consequences in infrastructural approaches to flood management (Owusu-Ansah & Braimah, 2013).

Moreover, flood vulnerability in Ghana has been exacerbated by factors such as rapid urban expansion, poor drainage infrastructure, lack of enforcement of land-use regulations, and the proliferation of informal settlements in flood-prone areas. These factors, combined with intensifying rainfall due to climate change, underscore the urgency of revising urban planning and infrastructure policy frameworks (Asumadu-Sarkodie et al., 2015).

2. Government Actions and Inactions

Successive governments in Ghana have undertaken various efforts to manage flooding, particularly in Accra; however, the effectiveness of these policies and initiatives has varied significantly, highlighting both notable achievements and critical shortcomings.

2.1 Analysis of Policies Enacted by Successive Governments

Over the decades, various administrations have recognized the urgency of flood management, initiating numerous policies and projects aimed at mitigating the impacts of flooding. The establishment of the National Disaster Management Organization (NADMO) in 1996 represented a significant policy step intended to coordinate disaster response nationally (Amoako & Frimpong Boamah, 2015). Yet, NADMO’s primary approach has remained reactive, emphasizing relief distribution rather than proactive disaster prevention and preparedness due to limited budget allocations and inadequate technical resources (Amoako, 2016).

Another critical initiative, the Accra Metropolitan Assembly (AMA) Sanitation Improvement Project, launched in 2006, was aimed at addressing drainage problems through infrastructural upgrades and waste management improvement (World Bank, 2019). While this initiative initially improved sanitation and drainage in specific areas, the broader, lasting impacts were limited due to inconsistent maintenance and the rapid pace of urbanization outstripping project scope and resources (World Bank, 2019).

2.2 Evaluation of Effectiveness in Flood Management

Despite significant investments in flood control infrastructure, the overall effectiveness of governmental flood management efforts remains questionable. For example, the Korle Lagoon Ecological Restoration Project (KLERP), initiated in the early 2000s, was designed to rehabilitate the heavily polluted Korle Lagoon and improve drainage channels around central Accra. Initially funded with over US$89 million, the project faced considerable setbacks due to inconsistent funding, project mismanagement, and persistent encroachment by informal settlements, ultimately reducing its efficacy (Grant, 2009). Similarly, initiatives like the ongoing Greater Accra Resilient and Integrated Development (GARID) Project, funded with $200 million from the World Bank since 2019, represent ambitious attempts to integrate urban planning, drainage infrastructure, and flood risk management comprehensively (World Bank, 2019). While GARID shows promise by addressing critical infrastructural needs, the lack of clear enforcement mechanisms, coupled with weak governance structures at the local level, could limit its potential long-term success (World Bank, 2019).

2.3 Case Studies of Successful and Unsuccessful Initiatives

One of Ghana’s relatively successful efforts has been the implementation of localized early warning systems, particularly following the devastating floods of 2015. These systems have contributed significantly to reducing casualties during flood events. Community-based initiatives led by NADMO, involving dissemination of weather alerts through local radio stations, mobile SMS, and social media, have notably improved community preparedness (Asumadu-Sarkodie et al., 2015). However, this success remains localized, with broader national implementation still necessary. In contrast, the government’s attempts to manage flooding through forced evictions and relocation of informal settlements in flood-prone areas have been largely unsuccessful and controversial. For example, forced evictions around Old Fadama and other informal settlements, often labeled as “illegal,” have led to widespread human rights criticisms and socio-economic disruptions without significantly reducing long-term flood risks (Amoako & Inkoom, 2018). Evicted residents frequently return or relocate nearby, perpetuating the cycle of vulnerability rather than addressing root causes such as inadequate housing policies and urban poverty.

3. Current State of Flooding and Its Impacts

Flooding continues to significantly impact Ghana, particularly in urbanized regions such as Accra, causing severe socio-economic disruptions annually. The current state of flooding reflects both increased frequency and intensity due to climate change and continued vulnerability stemming from rapid urban expansion and inadequate infrastructure.

3.1 Statistical Analysis of Recent Flooding Events

Recent data demonstrate a troubling upward trend in flooding frequency and severity across Ghana. Between 1991 and 2018, Accra experienced a notable increase in flooding events, with severe occurrences nearly doubling within the last decade alone (World Bank, 2019). A particularly devastating event in June 2015 resulted in over 200 fatalities, displacement of thousands, and economic losses estimated at approximately USD 55 million (Amoako & Inkoom, 2018). Similarly, the floods of June 2020 severely impacted over 10,000 people, with extensive property damage highlighting persistent infrastructure deficits (United Nations Office for Disaster Risk Reduction [UNDRR], 2020). According to the Ghana Meteorological Agency, Accra now averages approximately 810 mm of annual rainfall, with a marked concentration of heavy rains within shorter periods, significantly exacerbating flood risk due to the city’s limited drainage capacity (Ghana Meteorological Agency [GMet], 2021). Satellite imagery analysis from Google Earth has illustrated urban sprawl and reduced natural water retention spaces, further aggravating flood impacts.

3.2 Socioeconomic Impacts on Communities, Infrastructure, and Economy

Flooding in Ghana extends far beyond immediate physical damages—it affects nearly every dimension of social and economic life. Repeated flooding disproportionately impacts poorer communities, especially informal settlements in flood-prone areas such as Old Fadama, Alajo, and Odawna. These populations suffer frequent displacement, loss of homes, and deterioration of livelihoods. Flood-induced displacement also exacerbates vulnerability to health risks such as cholera, malaria, and other waterborne diseases (World Health Organization [WHO], 2022).
Floodwaters regularly overwhelm drainage systems, roads, bridges, and other critical infrastructure. The Ghanaian Ministry of Roads and Highways estimated that flood damage repairs cost the country nearly USD 168 million annually, diverting critical funds from other developmental priorities (World Bank, 2021). Additionally, flooding disrupts transportation, hinders emergency response capabilities, and negatively affects economic productivity. Flood-related disruptions severely affect local businesses and markets. For instance, flooding in Accra frequently disrupts operations in key commercial hubs, including Makola Market, Kaneshie Market, and Tema Industrial Area, leading to significant revenue losses. A World Bank assessment reported that urban flooding reduces Ghana’s annual GDP by approximately 0.5% to 1.0%, a substantial economic strain for an emerging economy (World Bank, 2019). Flooding also negatively affects educational attainment. Schools frequently close during flooding, particularly in low-lying areas. A recent assessment by the Ghana Education Service revealed that flooding annually interrupts educational continuity for more than 25,000 students in Greater Accra alone (Ghana Education Service [GES], 2022).

4. Natural Disasters in Ghana: Earthquakes and More
While flooding remains the most frequent natural disaster in Ghana, it is not the only threat to the nation’s socio-economic stability. Ghana’s geographic positioning also exposes it to seismic activities, droughts, coastal erosion, and landslides, which compound the risks associated with flooding, especially in rapidly urbanizing areas like Accra.

4.1 Assessment of Ghana’s Vulnerability to Earthquakes and Other Natural Disasters

Although Ghana is not traditionally considered a high-risk seismic region compared to places like Japan or Indonesia, historical data reveals that Ghana has experienced significant earthquakes. Accra, specifically, lies within the southeastern seismic zone, making it vulnerable to tremors (Amponsah et al., 2012). The country has recorded notable seismic events, including the destructive earthquake of 1939, which measured approximately 6.5 on the Richter scale, resulting in 17 deaths, over 130 injuries, and substantial infrastructural damage across Accra and surrounding towns (Amponsah et al., 2012). Recent seismic activity underscores ongoing vulnerabilities. For instance, minor tremors measuring around 4.2 and 3.8 magnitudes occurred in Accra in December 2018 and June 2020, respectively, raising concerns about Ghana’s preparedness for potentially more devastating earthquakes (Ghana Geological Survey Authority [GGSA], 2021).

Ghana’s lack of comprehensive seismic building regulations and insufficient disaster preparedness systems exacerbates these vulnerabilities, increasing potential human and economic losses from future seismic events. Beyond earthquakes, Ghana experiences significant drought events, particularly in northern regions, leading to frequent agricultural disruptions and food insecurity. According to the World Bank, Ghana’s northern regions suffer drought conditions approximately once every five years, severely impacting livelihoods and exacerbating poverty in already vulnerable communities (World Bank, 2020). Coastal erosion also poses a substantial threat, particularly along Ghana’s coastline, including areas such as Ada, Keta, and Elmina. Coastal erosion rates average between 1.5 and 2 meters per year, resulting in the displacement of coastal communities, destruction of ecosystems, and loss of economic activities like fishing and tourism (Boateng, 2012).

4.2 Comparison with Other Countries Facing Similar Challenges

When compared with other countries experiencing similar multi-hazard vulnerabilities, Ghana can learn valuable lessons. For instance, countries such as Indonesia and Japan have developed sophisticated multi-hazard early warning systems integrating seismic activity detection with flood and tsunami warnings. These systems significantly reduce casualties by providing timely evacuation notices (UNDRR, 2021). Similarly, South Africa, which faces both flooding and droughts, has invested heavily in integrated water resource management (IWRM) systems and advanced GIS-based vulnerability mapping. These initiatives have improved South Africa’s resilience against floods and drought-induced water scarcity, which could serve as exemplary models for Ghana (World Bank, 2020). The Netherlands, renowned for its flood risk management, employs advanced coastal defense mechanisms including dykes, floodgates, and sophisticated water management technology, significantly reducing vulnerability to flooding despite much of the country lying below sea level. Ghana can adapt and tailor these international best practices to its local context to better manage its natural disaster risks.

5. The Need for Bold Decisions

Given the chronic and intensifying nature of flooding in Ghana, there is an urgent necessity for bold, decisive, and innovative action from the country’s leadership. Policymakers must acknowledge that incremental adjustments and reactionary measures will no longer suffice to mitigate the substantial risks flooding presents. Immediate transformative strategies, informed by global best practices and adapted to local realities, are essential to securing Ghana’s socio-economic future.

5.1 Argument for Immediate and Decisive Action

The case for swift and bold action is clear. Ghana’s repeated flooding disasters not only reflect environmental and climatic factors but also deep-rooted systemic governance failures, inadequate infrastructure, and poor enforcement of urban planning regulations (Amoako, 2018). Each flood event serves as a stark reminder that the cost of inaction significantly outweighs the cost of strategic investments in comprehensive flood risk management. According to the World Bank (2021), floods currently cost Ghana approximately USD 200 million annually, including infrastructural repairs, business disruptions, healthcare expenses, and relief efforts.

Without immediate intervention, this figure is projected to rise exponentially as climate patterns intensify, further compromising the nation’s economic stability and developmental goals. Bold policy decisions today, supported by clear leadership and coordination among government agencies, the private sector, and local communities, have the potential to significantly reduce these recurring costs. By contrast, continued inaction or fragmented responses risk exacerbating social inequities, prolonging economic disruptions, and worsening infrastructural deterioration, making future solutions significantly costlier and more complex.

5.2 Discussion of Innovative Solutions and Best Practices from Around the World

To build flood resilience effectively, Ghana can draw on innovative global solutions tailored to its unique challenges:
1. Integrated Urban Flood Management (IUFM)
Cities such as Singapore and Amsterdam have effectively managed flooding through integrated approaches combining urban planning, water management infrastructure, green spaces, and regulatory frameworks. Singapore’s Active, Beautiful, Clean Waters (ABC Waters) program, for instance, incorporates natural water management systems, creating urban landscapes that act as flood buffers and recreational areas simultaneously (PUB Singapore, 2020). Implementing a similar approach in Accra could significantly mitigate flooding impacts while improving urban livability.
2. Community-Based Early Warning Systems
In Bangladesh, effective community-driven early warning systems have significantly reduced flood-related fatalities. Utilizing mobile technology, local networks, and real-time weather data dissemination has enabled communities to proactively manage flood risks (UNDP, 2021). Strengthening Ghana’s existing community-based systems, enhancing them with mobile technology and social media, could substantially increase preparedness and responsiveness during flood events.
3. Green Infrastructure and Nature-Based Solutions
Countries like the Netherlands and China have increasingly adopted green infrastructure solutions, including constructed wetlands, permeable pavements, rain gardens, and urban forests, dramatically reducing urban runoff and improving water quality (World Resources Institute [WRI], 2019). Adopting similar nature-based solutions in Ghana, especially within rapidly expanding urban centers like Accra, would mitigate flood risks while simultaneously providing ecological and recreational benefits.
4. Advanced Flood Risk Modeling and GIS Technology
Advanced flood risk assessment models and Geographic Information Systems (GIS) technology have enabled cities like Durban (South Africa) and Mumbai (India) to identify vulnerabilities precisely, plan infrastructure effectively, and allocate resources strategically (World Bank, 2020). Applying these technologies systematically across Ghana’s urban areas would greatly enhance flood preparedness and management capabilities.
Bold decisions require visionary leadership. The Ghanaian government must move beyond fragmented interventions and adopt comprehensive, proactive policies focused on long-term resilience. This shift demands coordinated actions among policymakers, urban planners, environmental agencies, and local communities. Public-private partnerships (PPPs), international collaborations, and the mobilization of financial resources from climate adaptation funds are crucial elements in translating bold ideas into tangible outcomes. Moreover, political leadership must prioritize accountability, transparency, and evidence-based policymaking to ensure long-term success and public trust in these efforts.
6. Roadmap for a Holistic Approach to Flood Management

6.1 Integrated Flood Risk Management Framework

Addressing Ghana’s flooding crisis requires the adoption of an Integrated Flood Risk Management (IFRM) framework. Such an approach moves beyond short-term relief efforts and emphasizes comprehensive planning, infrastructure development, community resilience, and policy reform. Ghana’s national and local governments must collaboratively establish clear, coordinated institutional frameworks to streamline flood management activities, ensuring effective resource utilization and long-term sustainability (World Bank, 2021). This involves clearly defining roles and responsibilities across national, regional, and local institutions to avoid duplication and promote cohesive action.

6.2 Enhancement of Urban Planning and Regulatory Enforcement

Critical to sustainable flood management is the urgent enhancement of urban planning and enforcement of building and zoning regulations. Accra and other rapidly urbanizing cities must revisit and strictly enforce urban planning policies that restrict development in flood-prone areas. Such enforcement should be complemented by substantial investments in upgraded drainage and sanitation infrastructure. Adopting successful global examples, such as Singapore’s integrated land-use planning model, can significantly reduce vulnerability by ensuring urban growth aligns with effective flood mitigation strategies (PUB Singapore, 2020).

6.3 Nature-Based Solutions and Green Infrastructure

Ghana should leverage nature-based solutions and green infrastructure as key components of its flood management strategy. Solutions such as urban wetlands, restored mangroves, permeable pavements, rain gardens, and green roofs provide significant benefits by reducing stormwater runoff, enhancing biodiversity, and improving urban air quality. Internationally, cities such as Rotterdam in the Netherlands have successfully utilized green infrastructure to manage floods sustainably, resulting in enhanced urban resilience and quality of life (World Resources Institute [WRI], 2019). By integrating similar initiatives into urban planning, Ghana can significantly decrease flood risk while simultaneously improving environmental health and urban aesthetics.

6.4 Advanced Technological Integration and Data-Driven Decision Making

The application of advanced technologies, including Geographic Information Systems (GIS), remote sensing, and predictive flood modeling, will substantially enhance Ghana’s flood preparedness and response. These technologies allow precise identification of flood-prone zones, efficient monitoring of infrastructure conditions, and effective real-time emergency response management. For instance, Durban in South Africa and Mumbai in India have effectively employed GIS technologies for flood risk mapping and disaster preparedness, resulting in reduced vulnerability and enhanced emergency response efficiency (World Bank, 2020). Ghana’s investments in such technological capabilities would significantly improve preparedness, response capacity, and resource allocation effectiveness during flood events.

6.5 Strengthening Community Participation and Capacity Building

An effective flood management strategy must actively involve local communities, fostering their participation and enhancing their capacity to respond to disasters. Community-based disaster management training programs, supported by robust early warning systems, empower communities to take proactive steps in reducing their vulnerability to floods. Countries such as Bangladesh have successfully implemented community-led flood preparedness initiatives, significantly reducing casualties and economic losses (United Nations Development Programme [UNDP], 2021). Ghana can replicate this success by prioritizing community-level preparedness training, education campaigns, and decentralized response systems that allow communities to act swiftly and effectively in emergencies.

6.6 Sustainable Financing and Public-Private Partnerships

Sustainable financing mechanisms are crucial to ensuring continuous investment in flood risk management infrastructure and maintenance. The Ghanaian government should explore innovative financing models, including leveraging climate finance mechanisms, international adaptation funds, and public-private partnerships (PPPs). PPPs, in particular, present a valuable opportunity by mobilizing private-sector efficiency and innovation in infrastructure development and management. Successful examples from global cities demonstrate that effectively structured PPPs can deliver resilient infrastructure while minimizing fiscal burdens on government budgets (World Bank, 2021). Ghana’s policymakers must proactively foster an enabling environment for these collaborations through transparent regulations, incentives, and accountability frameworks.

6.7 Monitoring, Evaluation, and Continuous Improvement

Lastly, establishing a robust monitoring and evaluation (M&E) system is essential to ensure the continuous improvement and effectiveness of flood management interventions. Regular assessments of infrastructure projects, policy implementations, and community programs should be mandated to measure outcomes against clearly defined resilience indicators. Lessons learned through these evaluations can inform adaptive strategies and policy adjustments, ensuring ongoing effectiveness in managing evolving flood risks. Countries with exemplary disaster risk management practices, such as Japan, continuously review and refine their flood management policies, infrastructure designs, and emergency preparedness procedures, serving as valuable models for Ghana (United Nations Office for Disaster Risk Reduction [UNDRR], 2021).

7. Conclusion

The persistent and intensifying flooding crises in Ghana demand immediate, comprehensive, and decisive action from policymakers, government officials, and community leaders. The historical patterns of flooding in Accra, from the era of Kwame Nkrumah to contemporary times, illustrate the consequences of decades-long neglect and inadequate responses. Despite various governmental initiatives, such as the establishment of the National Disaster Management Organization (NADMO) and several infrastructural projects, the current flooding challenges underline systemic shortcomings in planning, coordination, and execution of effective disaster risk management strategies. Today, the socio-economic costs of flooding—loss of lives, economic disruptions, infrastructure damage, and diminished community well-being—are increasingly unsustainable. These impacts compound vulnerabilities to other natural disasters such as earthquakes, droughts, and coastal erosion, further complicating the nation’s resilience landscape. Ghana cannot afford continued incremental or reactive approaches. Instead, bold, innovative, and proactive solutions tailored specifically to the country’s unique challenges must be implemented without delay.

The comprehensive roadmap outlined in this article provides Ghana with a clear strategy to transition toward resilient flood management. This involves adopting an integrated framework that prioritizes sustainable urban planning, robust infrastructure development, green and nature-based solutions, advanced technological integration, and active community participation. By committing to sustainable financing mechanisms and fostering meaningful public-private partnerships, Ghana can sustainably finance and effectively implement these critical initiatives.

Ultimately, the responsibility rests with Ghana’s leaders and decision-makers to prioritize and invest in long-term resilience strategies. Action taken today will not only save lives and protect property but also significantly strengthen Ghana’s socio-economic stability and environmental sustainability. The cost of decisive action now is far outweighed by the benefits of a safer, more resilient, and prosperous future for Ghanaian communities.

The rains will inevitably come, but Ghana’s preparedness and resilience are a matter of choice. Policymakers, government officials, and community leaders must now seize this opportunity to demonstrate visionary leadership, robust commitment, and collective resolve. It is time to transform Ghana’s recurring flood crises into opportunities for growth, sustainability, and resilience, ensuring the nation emerges stronger from each rainy season. This article serves as an urgent appeal for collective action. Policymakers and government leaders must immediately implement the strategic recommendations detailed here, actively engage communities, and foster sustainable partnerships for disaster resilience. The path forward is clear, and the stakes are high. Ghana’s resilience in the face of floods hinges upon decisions made today—let these decisions reflect the bold, innovative spirit that defines Ghana’s potential for lasting change and prosperity.

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Dr David King Boison, a maritime and port expert, AI Consultant and Senior Fellow CIMAG. He can be contacted via email at kingdavboison@gmail.com

Albert Derrick Fiatui, is the Executive Director at the Centre for International Maritime Affairs, Ghana (CIMAG), an Advocacy, Research and Operational Policy Think-Tank, with focus on the Maritime Industry (Blue Economy) and general Ocean Governance. He is a Maritime Policy and Ocean Governance Expert

If you thought political scandals were all about shady land deals and missing state funds, you clearly haven’t heard of the latest blockbuster: How to Lose 1,328 Containers in 10 Days—coming soon to a port near you!

Scene 1: The Mystery of the Missing Containers

It all began during the grand transition of power when the outgoing NPP government left a farewell note to the incoming NDC government that read, “By the way, there are 3,000 ECG containers chilling at the port.

Enjoy!” But wait! When the Minister of Energy, acting like a detective in a telenovela, visited the port, the officials scratched their heads and said, “Boss, it’s actually 2,500.”

Alarm bells rang, eyebrows were raised, and a committee was swiftly assembled to solve the mystery.

They did what any good investigative team would do: they called GPHA and asked, “Hey, how many ECG containers are really here?” GPHA, sipping their morning tea, casually replied, “Oh, just 1,132.” ECG, seemingly confused about its own inventory, insisted, “Nope, we have 2,462!”

The committee, refusing to trust anyone, counted the containers themselves, and surprise, surprise—the GPHA was right! This meant 1,328 containers had taken an all-expenses-paid trip to the Land of the Lost.

Scene 2: The Vanishing Money Trick

Now, you’d think ECG, with a shipping account that received 5 million cedis every week for clearing containers, would be good at, well… clearing containers. But nope! In 2022, ECG’s MD, Dubik Mahama, had a lightbulb moment: “Let’s stop paying into the shipping account and see what happens!” Spoiler alert: chaos happened.

Containers piled up faster than a Fufu queue at Nhyira FM’s free Fufu Party.

The Transport Department waved red flags and yelled, “Demurrage is skyrocketing! We’re losing money!” ECG Management, sipping their ‘broke’ tea, shrugged and said, “No money to clear containers, sorry!” Meanwhile, they were still importing new containers at the speed of light and paying suppliers 90% of contract sums.

Oh, and guess what? The demurrage bill had already hit 1.5 million cedis. That’s right, folks! ECG was the only entity paying rent on properties they weren’t even using!

Scene 3: The Genius Clearance Plan

Now, brace yourselves. From nowhere—like a magician pulling rabbits out of a hat—MD Dubik Mahama introduced two companies to “help” clear the containers. Enter MINT LOGISTICS and DAWARDS BOND LIMITED —two companies so elite, one had 10 employees, and the other had… just 1 (the CEO, secretary, cleaner, and security guard all rolled into one).

MINT LOGISTICS was given 1,110 containers to clear at a cool 160,000 cedis per container. Quick math: that’s over 177 million cedis! DAWARDS BOND LIMITED? They got 200 containers, charging a humble 115,000 cedis per container, totaling 23 million cedis. Who knew clearing containers was more lucrative than gold mining?

Scene 4: The Magical Recycling Business

So, what happens next? Simple!

1. ECG continues importing containers like an overenthusiastic online shopper.
2. They conveniently “forget” to clear them.
3. A mysterious clearance company is called in to save the day at ridiculous prices.
4. The contents of said containers magically disappear.
5. ECG goes on a shopping spree to replace stolen items.

Rumor has it, brand-new ECG cables are being melted down and sold to Chinese and Indian businesses, who then export them while ECG turns around to import more!
Ladies and gentlemen, we have officially turned Ghana into a real-life Monopoly game!

Scene 5: The Procurement Department Gets a Facelift (Literally)

Now, if you think this was just about missing containers, think again! ECG’s procurement department had its own episode of Extreme Makeover. In 2022, planned procurement was 1.7 billion cedis, but the actual procurement? Just 460 million cedis—a small difference of 1.3 billion cedis (pocket change, really). By 2023, planned procurement was 935 million cedis, but ECG said, “Hold my beer,” and spent 8.3 billion cedis instead—a modest 7 billion cedis deviation. And in 2024? Same script, different year: planned procurement of 1.3 billion cedis, but actual procurement hit 8.2 billion cedis.

Faced with this chaotic spending spree, ECG had a brilliant idea: merge the Procurement Department with the Estate Department! And to top it all off, they replaced the Head of Procurement with… wait for it… the Head of Estate—someone who knew about buildings, not buying cables.

Scene 6: The Cast of Characters

As we close this tragicomedy, let’s not forget the star-studded cast:

• Dr. Matthew Opoku Prempeh (NAPO)–The Energy Minister at the time.
• Dubik Mahama– The MD of ECG, mastermind of “Operation: Where Did the Containers Go?”
• Kelly Gadzekpo– The Board Chairman before the musical chairs game started.
• Afenyo Markin– The new Board Chair who arrived just in time for the grand finale.

And of course, the countless ECG workers who, to this day, are probably still looking for those 1,328 missing containers like an explorer on an adventure!

Epilogue: The Moral of the Story

Dear reader, what have we learned today? That in Ghana, a simple port can turn into a Bermuda Triangle where containers vanish, reappear, and somehow still cost taxpayers millions.

That ECG has mastered the fine art of spending money it doesn’t have while making sure cables do an annual pilgrimage to China and back.

And most importantly, that somewhere in the depths of Tema Port, a lone container is whispering, “Help me, I’m lost…”

Stay tuned for the sequel: How to Find 1,328 Containers Without Actually Trying!

The Bank of Ghana(BoG), in today’s Monetary Policy Committee (MPC) release, has raised the policy rate (MPR) by 100 basis points, from 27% to 28%.

Typically, the MPR guides short-term interest rates like the T-bill rate. So, why the glaring inconsistency between the two? I warned repeatedly that the Finance Ministry was on the wrong path, attempting to control both price and quantity in the T-bill auction market – forcing rates down from 29% to as low as 15% for 91-day bills.

I also questioned why the Central Bank wasn’t more aggressive in managing excess liquidity through open market operations (OMO) or Discount Policy Operations (DIPO) to ensure price stability.

Well, at least the Governor of the Central Bank listens – unlike the Finance Minister. The latest MPC release signals plans to ‘introduce a 273-day instrument to strengthen the existing sterilization toolkit’, which I believe will aid the disinflation process.

The Finance Minister must take a cue: macroeconomic management is critical to national financial stability.

The ongoing policy incoherence between the Finance Ministry and the Central Bank exposes a worrying lack of coordination. If fiscal and monetary authorities don’t align, economic management suffers.

The recent undersubscription of T-bills in the last two auctions (21st & 28th March) speaks volumes. It’s time to learn some lessons.

It was supposed to be a heart-rending moment for Dr Bawumia, but he turned it into a moment of triumph—not just for himself but for his nation, the continent and democracy.

Dr Bawumia shocked many in the country and across the world—including some in his own team—when he delivered what has been widely considered one of the earliest concession speeches in Ghanaian, African and global democracy.

In doing so he did not only unofficially signal a denouement to the fierce and hotly contested election between him and his opponent but curtailed what many saw as a potentially volatile situation in the aftermath of the ballot casting process. Considering the all too known history of post-election violence in Africa and across the world, this singular act by Dr Bawumia was roundly commended.

The United Nations called Dr Bawumia’s actions “a significant example for African leaders to prioritise peace over actions that create tension” (UN Secretary General’s special Representative Leonar¬do Santos Simão).

The United Nations Resident Coordinator in Ghana, H.E. Charles Abani, visited Dr Bawumia to express his appreciation for his early concession and the concomitant contributions to peace and democracy in Ghana.

The Diplomatic community in Ghana lauded the former Vice President for his statesmanship and respect for democratic values following his early concession.

In a letter signed by the Dean of the Diplomatic Corps, the diplomats stated that Dr Bawumia’s unwavering commitment to the values of democracy, especially through your honourable concession in the recent elections, stands as a testament to your statesmanship and love for this nation. In moments of political transition, it is the strength of character and respect for the democratic process that define a leader.”

President John Mahama acknowledged the significance of Dr Bawumia’s actions, stating that they contributed to “fostering peace during a crucial moment for the country.” NDC top official and Director of Communications, Mr. Sammy Gyamfi, called it “an exceptional display of statesmanship”. So, what lessons can we learn from his concession, and what significance does it hold?

It’s okay not to win

“More wins” is the common mantra these days. Of course, as humans, generally, winning is the desired outcome for most endeavours, but the deeper lesson from Dr Bawumia’s actions shows that sometimes you can win by losing.

Inasmuch as most of us hope for wins, the lesson here is that failure is part of life. In fact, there would be nothing like victory if there were no failure.

And so what Bawumia demonstrates for all of us, especially the youth, is that sometimes, it is okay to fail. It builds resilience, fortitude and emotional intelligence for even greater wins at a mandated time.

Without certain failures, there wouldn’t be victory at all. Yet the fear of failure has crippled many, destroyed lives and prematurely curtailed destinies.

By openly, readily and speedily accepting the electoral outcome, Dr Bawumia demonstrated his true character: humble, peaceable, conciliatory, mature and wise. He has shown that there is no shame in failure and that out of the shrubs and ashes of defeat, beauty can emerge.

Democratic Advancement

Everywhere you turned, nationally and internationally, one of the biggest conversations was about how Dr Bawumia’s early concession entrenched and enhanced democracy in Africa.

With the albatross of post-election conflict ravaging certain nations and the sword of Damocles hovering heavily in the air, Dr Bawumia’s gestures pre-empted any unforeseen calamities and calmed the atmosphere.

Still, the unprecedented cacophony and violence that surrounded the declaration of parliamentary results brought many to the realization of how ominous things may have turned. And perhaps dented Ghana’s democratic image as a haven of peace and stability.

The smooth presidential transition accelerated by a swift and unequivocal concession was therefore roundly applauded.

The Nigerian media and blogosphere, for instance, couldn’t have enough of it. All over the Internet, especially on social media, content after content, video after video, text after text, rushed to commend Ghana for flying the flag of Africa high, often comparing it to their situation.

This was undoubtedly a Ghanaian moment. However it was also a genuine celebration of democracy, national pride and continental glory.

Ethical Leadership

It is often said that the truest test of a man’s character is what he does when he’s down. Martin Luther King once said: “The ultimate measure of a man is not where he stands in moments of comfort and convenience, but where he stands at times of challenge and controversy.”

According to Mihelic, Lipicnik, and Metka Tekavcic (2010), “Ethical leaders think about long-term consequences, drawbacks and benefits of the decisions they make in the organization.

They are humble, concerned for the greater good, strive for fairness, take responsibility and show respect for each individual.”

These are all leadership lessons we can learn from. They are qualities that we can infer from the action Dr Bawumia took: thinking about the greater good of the nation, shunning long-drawn litigation, and showing humility and respect for the electoral process.

In doing this, he has won the respect of many across the globe, including those who didn’t necessarily vote for him. He has established himself as a leader with integrity.

Data, technology and the future

One of the major themes that dominated the conversation after Dr Bawumia’s concession was the speed and precision with which it was done, underpinned by data, technology and projections.

It shows that to succeed in the contemporary era, the ability to curate, mine and make projections based on accurate data is the way to go. The days of haphazard, erratic, wishy washy, propagandists and spurious assertions are over. It demonstrates that democracy does not happen in a vacuum but rather is essentialized through concrete, substantive data visualisations, technological input and intelligent analytics. This is the future of campaigns, policy making and democracy.

Conclusion

Dr Bawumia may have lost the presidency, but what he has gained because of his swift, decisive and full-throated concession is priceless.

He put the national interest above personal ambition and in doing so, demonstrated a powerful model of exemplary, principled, humane, and courageous leadership that will inspire generations to come.

This step is a constitutional requirement under Article 146(6) of the 1992 Constitution, which states: “Where the petition is for the removal of the Chief Justice, the President shall, acting in consultation with the Council of State, appoint a committee consisting of two Justices of the Supreme Court, one of whom shall be appointed Chairman by the President, and three other persons who are not members of the Council of State, nor members of Parliament, nor lawyers.”

Two days later, at 9:20 AM on Thursday, March 27, 2025, Vincent Ekow Assafuah of Old Tafo, in Kumasi, filed an action at the Supreme Court challenging the President’s referral of the petitions to the Council of State.

Mr. Assafuah argues that the President is required, under Articles 146(1), (2), (4), (6) and (7), 23, 57(3), and 296 of the Constitution, to: “…notify the Chief Justice about a petition for her removal and obtain her comments and responses before referring the petition to the Council of State or commencing consultation with the Council of State.”

This claim raises a number of intriguing questions:

i. How did Mr. Assafuah, within just one day, ascertain that the Chief Justice was not consulted before the petitions were referred to the Council of State?
ii. Did the Chief Justice personally inform him that she was not consulted?
iii. Was there any media report confirming that the Chief Justice had been bypassed in the process?

And Godfred Dame as his lawyer? As the musician Joseph of Culture says, “This is neither a jigsaw nor a puzzle.” Things are falling into place. We either survive together or perish together.

That aside, only Article 146(6) is relevant in determining whether the President was required to seek the Chief Justice’s comments before consulting the Council of State.

Article 146(6), in clear and unambiguous terms, states that when a petition concerns the removal of the Chief Justice, the President must act in consultation with the Council of State.

In Agyei Twum v. Attorney General & Akwetey, Justice Date-Bah, speaking for the Supreme Court, held that just like other Justices of the Superior Courts, a prima facie case must first be established against the Chief Justice before a committee is empaneled to investigate the petition.

However, the Agyei Twum case did not specify how the prima facie determination should be made. What is certain, however, is that the President must act in consultation with the Council of State.

The President’s decision to refer the petitions to the Council of State is, therefore, in strict compliance with the Constitution.

The following questions expose the suit for what it is—Much Ado About Nothing:
i. If the Constitution explicitly states that “where the petition is for the removal of the Chief Justice, the President shall act in consultation with the Council of State”, is it unconstitutional for the President to refer the petitions to the Council of State?
ii. Isn’t the referral the first logical step in discussing the prima facie determination and the procedure for it?
iii. Should the President unilaterally decide on the petitions without engaging the Council of State, as mandated?
iv. Does referring the petitions to the Council of State amount to a prima facie determination without giving the Chief Justice a hearing?
v. Does this referral prevent the Chief Justice from later providing her comments on the petitions?

In the first petition, the former President’s response suggested that the Council of State had been consulted before the determination that no prima facie case had been made against the Chief Justice.

Yet, the President’s letter to Prof. Azar does not indicate that the Chief Justice was asked for her comments before that determination was made.

The Chief Justice believes in the law. There is no need for presumptive protection. Every Ghanaian believes in the law.

The law requires that the President act in consultation with the Council of State. That consultation is currently ongoing. Let the process unfold. The Council of State has its own esteemed legal minds—trust them as much as you have always asked us to trust you.

To Proxy Assafuah, let me offer a lesson from the Acts of the Apostles. In Acts 5, Peter and his fellow apostles faced intimidation aimed at silencing their mission. Yet, despite the threats, they persisted in preaching the gospel without seeking legal recourse.

When they were eventually arrested and brought before the High Priest, Gamaliel, a respected Pharisee, offered wise counsel:

He reminded his colleagues of Theudas and Judas, two men who falsely claimed divine backing but ultimately perished. Gamaliel then gave this timeless advice in Acts 5:38-39: “…Refrain from these men, and let them alone: for if this counsel or this work be of men, it will come to nought: But if it be of God, ye cannot overthrow it; lest haply ye be found even to fight against God.”

So be it, Hon. Mr. Proxy! Leave the petitioners alone, for if their counsel or work be of men, their petitions will come to nought, but if it be of God, and their cause is just, no court action can overthrow it.

In 2024 alone, the GNFS recorded an alarming 5,596 fire outbreaks between January and November, reflecting a 6.43% increase from the 5,258 incidents reported in the same period in 2023.

This surge is attributed to various factors, including severe weather conditions, non-compliance with fire safety regulations, road accidents, electrical faults, and gas leakages.

However, despite these challenges, the service is fighting to maintain public safety and minimize damage across the country, even as it continues to contend with severe resource limitations.

The recent loss of 37 fire officers in the line of duty, as reported by the former Chief Fire Officer (CFO) Julius Kuunuor on December 18, 2024, underscores the dangerous and hazardous nature of the work firefighters undertake to protect lives and properties.

This stark reality highlights the need for urgent reforms and improvements within the service.

GNFS has long struggled with insufficient resources, outdated equipment, and understaffing.

These limitations have undermined their ability to effectively respond to the increasing number of fire incidents.

The service has repeatedly appealed for additional fire tenders, modern firefighting equipment, and a bolstered workforce.

Unfortunately, many of these requests have gone unmet, leaving firefighters to operate with old and inadequate tools that hinder their ability to respond quickly and efficiently.

The age of some fire tenders is particularly concerning, with many vehicles so outdated that they are unable to provide the swift response required in emergency situations.

The lack of sufficient fire stations in certain constituencies further complicates the service’s ability to reach fire scenes promptly, exacerbating the damage caused by these outbreaks.

The GNFS’s response at times often delayed, contributing to the escalating loss of lives and properties.

Risks to Fire Officers: A Growing Concern

Perhaps the most alarming aspect of this crisis is the safety of the fire officers themselves.

These brave men and women put their lives on the line every day, often facing physical and verbal abuse while carrying out their duties.

Reports of firefighters being attacked while trying to manage fire incidents have become all too frequent.

At a time when they are already exposed to significant dangers on the job, the additional threat of hostile attacks makes their work even more perilous.

The safety and well-being of fire officers must be prioritized. In addition to providing the necessary equipment to carry out their work efficiently, the government and relevant authorities must ensure that these officers are protected from harm while performing their duties.

Their sacrifice should be met with respect and recognition, rather than the added burden of physical or verbal assaults.

A Call for Immediate Action

The current situation demands immediate attention from both the Ghanaian government and the general public. The lack of sufficient fire stations in certain areas is a grave concern that must be addressed.

Fire stations must be established in under-served constituencies to ensure that every citizen has access to emergency firefighting services.

Moreover, the government must allocate adequate funding to the GNFS, enabling the acquisition of modern firefighting equipment, including new fire tenders, advanced rescue gear, and better training for personnel.

The safety of fire officers should also be prioritized, with improved safety protocols and protections against attacks while on duty.

The public also has a critical role to play in this effort. Citizens must adhere to fire safety regulations and report any potential hazards to the authorities.

Additionally, municipal assemblies should prioritize the construction of fire stations in their communities, recognizing that fire prevention and swift response are crucial to saving lives and property.

The Time to Act Is Now

As the frequency of fire outbreaks continues to rise, it is evident that the Ghana National Fire Service needs a coordinated and immediate response from all stakeholders to overcome the resource and safety challenges it currently faces.

The growing crisis calls for urgent government intervention, improved resources, and better protection for fire officers.

It is essential that we support the GNFS in its mission to safeguard lives and properties across the country.

The public must also play its part by adhering to fire safety measures and advocating for better fire service infrastructure.

Only by working together can we ensure that the Ghana National Fire Service is equipped to handle emergencies effectively, protecting both the citizens and the officers who risk everything to ensure our safety.

I do this not because of a mere desire to put some ideas across but because I recognise the opportunity presented to us with respect to your presidency as a golden one that requires the collective support of every one of us as Ghanaians.

Your Excellency, indeed your second presidency is an opportunity to make history and many Ghanaians are willing to do whatever they can to help you achieve.

1. Introduction Of Tertiary Education Policy (TEP)

With the looming threat of the overwhelmingly frustrated youth springing up on us every year with no hope, no direction, no accommodation, no jobs, no policy and no readily usable skill, I suggest the national security apparatus consider this as a threat to our normal social order.

Mr President, the nonexistence of an effective Tertiary Education Policy has over the years had a profound effect on our economic development.

This is primarily because tertiary institutions in Ghana do not follow any specific policy objective that requires them to train, develop, or produce any specific prescribed skillset and expertise.

This failure, I consider to be one of the genetic causes of our economic underachievement not only in Ghana but throughout the entire sub-Sahara region.

Mr President, for example, if we need one thousand (1000) Nuclear Physicists in Ghana or 500 five hundred (500) Astrophysicists or even two hundred (200) Electro Physics Engineers to begin an industrialization programme in Ghana, there is no way of achieving this or developing such talents unless you deliberately establish a system to create it through the introduction of a Tertiary Education Policy (TEP) in which the government works in collaboration with the universities to make degrees more meaningful to the state. As the case in South Korea or China and most of the Mekong region may be referred to, there is a systematic deliberate policy to create a certain number and quality of some specific skills not only to fill in gaps in the industrial workforce but also to prepare their countries for the upcoming competitive world of knowledge and changes.

Your Excellency, the introduction of a deliberately created TEP in consultation with the relevant academic institutions will lead to uplifting the spirit of education and make students feel more useful and needed by the country. It is a putative fact or generally agreed truth that the development journey of a country is a collective responsibility of all its citizens.

Therefore, every Ghanaian MUST have a role to play towards the development of the country Ghana. In other words, like in China, the state can pass a mandatory law that enables her to have the first right of access to employ any First-Class students or tap into any Ghanaian student with extraordinary talent either in mathematics, engineering, physics, chemistry, electronics, management or any other talent which the country needs for its grand development agenda.

Lee Kwan Yew on countless occasions has “confessed” that his secret was education policy which deliberately focuses on training his people even in the most extremely rarest skill.

In China, from Kindergarten to University, the Chinese government is systematic and meticulous in monitoring individual talents and directing them towards the country’s future needs.

This explains why, while a US company struggles to recruit 100 electro-physics engineers, the same job electro-physics engineering job was advertised and published in Beijing and they had a stadium full of qualified electro-physics engineers available for interview.

It is my strong belief that systematically introducing a properly guided Tertiary Education Policy will be the real beginning of an economic transformation in all spheres of our national endeavours.

Indeed, the non-existence of any purposive and strategic education policy has negatively affected almost every part of the nation’s development. Mr President, For the purpose of this letter, please permit me to show how the lack of TEP has affected the development of our health sector.

Mr President, there is an opportunity to make health services in Ghana the most advanced not only in terms of technology but also the most skilled. The Ghana health system has always been in desperate need of more specialised and sub-specialised doctors.

The situation is much worse now given the continuous population increase leading to more pressure on these existing few specialised and sub-specialised doctors we have.

Even though the government keeps training more generalists each year, there is no single purposive directive or policy which instructs any institution to train any type of specialist to fill any gap apart from the existing generalists who over some time of practising decide on their discretion to specialists’ programme either out of the country or locally.

With a population of over 30 million, the country needs at least a minimum of 250 qualified sub-specialised physicians in each area of the specialist fields listed below.

1. Urologists/Pediatric Urologist:

2. Endocrinologists:

Endocrinologists specialise in hormones and the hormone production system. They diagnose and treat conditions related to abnormal hormonal issues and the entire endocrine system, which produces hormones that regulate many of the body’s functions.

Since there is no government effort to specifically produce such doctors, my studies could not find more than 5 such specialist doctors across the country.

However, Ghana needs at least a minimum of 250 such doctors per the size of our population.

3. Cardiologists

Perhaps the most desperately needed medical specialist group in Ghana are Cardiologists. Cardiologists are specialized medical doctors trained specifically to diagnose, treat and prevent heart-related diseases and conditions.

Currently, every 3 out of 10 deaths in Ghana are heart-related. 7 out of 10 men over 50 years in Ghana suffer from some kind of heart condition or blood pressure-related issues.

A deliberately instituted Tertiary Education Policy would’ve led to Ghana having more than sufficient qualified Cardiologists to provide quality health care for her citizens.

As it stands, Ghana needs at least 400 qualified Cardiologists but unfortunately, the entire country cannot boast of 45 fully qualified Cardiologists.

4. Nephrologists

Nephrologists are specialised doctors in the health and functioning of kidneys and Pediatric Nephrologists are sub-specialised doctors for kidney health of infants and children.

After over 3 months of enquiry into identifying the number of this very all-important medical specialization, it is sad to announce that while we may have more than 10 Nephrologists in Ghana, I was unable to find more than 3 Pediatric Nephrologists.

Mr President, China is producing almost a million engineers every year, India is doing the same and the list goes on. In 2023, India made over USD64 billion from Health Tourism alone.

This is largely because there has been a deliberate effort to rapidly grow the Indian health industry over the last few decades. Ghana too can achieve the same.

However, in Ghana now, all fields of professions and training across all sectors require a deliberate and systematically executed Tertiary Education Policy (TEP) to sturdily lead to the total transformation in the overall quality of human resources not only in the area of health care delivery but also across the board in all industries.

Mr President, the Western idea of government not leading industrialization is false, and this has been proven over and over. Even everywhere in Europe, most major industries had been set up by the state after the Second World War before it was slowly and carefully released into private hands after some decades with strict conditions. In 2025, the Ghanaian industry is almost nonexistent and unless we build it ourselves, nobody will do it for us.

For example, we have a School of Mines here in Ghana. But there is not even a single state-owned or Ghanaian mining company in Ghana. Here is the typical example of training citizens with no industry to absorb them so essentially, the main beneficiaries of the Ghana School of Mines are the Australian Mining Companies, New Zealand Mining Companies, South African Mining Companies etc.

Again, the Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology (KNUST), has trained hundreds of Electrical Engineers yet not even a Power Bank to charge mobile phones is produced here in Ghana for the same reason because there is no industry and the majority of them end up with the banks unless they find their way out of the country.

Mr President, we are Ghanaians and we are good. There is nothing we cannot do or achieve as a country and as a people if we have the leadership. We know these white boys and Asians, we’ve all sat in classrooms with them and they also know we are good. Even when they take the lead because of their foundation, we always catch up and eventually surpass. I look forward to seeing a Ghanaian-owned company producing semiconductors before the end of your second term in 2028.

I thank you and may God bless Ghana.

Special Requests

1. Stadium Visits

Your Excellency, looking at the continuous weakening of our local league, while I know your Sports Minister is working hard to bring back the old glory of Ghana football, may I suggest you visit the stadium sometimes to boost match popularity as this may go a long way to perhaps revive even my own Secondi Hasaacas. Thank you.

2. Declaration Of National Health Months
   Your Excellency, the rate of cardiac-related deaths in Ghana is now beyond alarming, and the rate at which new orphans are being created as a result of preventable deaths in our communities is taking a great toll on our social development with poverty being its most popular product. The rate of deaths between the ages of 40 to 60 is a matter of great concern as the country continues to lose some of its brilliant brains before retirement or even soon after retirement.

Mr President, I am therefore with the highest respect proposing that you set up a team to choose a month within the year to launch National Health Month. The team should formulate a policy that should serve as the guideline and should be binding to all private individuals, and corporate and public institutions to ensure that all their staff engage in some sort of health check or exercise within the selected month.

Food imports cost the country over $3.5 billion in 2023, according to Statista, a Germany-based online data portal—draining Ghana’s already strained foreign exchange and further strangling local farmers.

As a nation, we import almost everything edible—from rice to offal, locally called yemuadie—as local production continues to suffer largely due to limited policy interventions that can stand the test of time.

This is despite the fact that the country has a bubbling young population and a worsening unemployment rate. The 2021 Population and Housing Census showed that nearly 40 percent of Ghanaians are aged 15-35 years, the age bracket considered golden, youthful, energetic, and smart for national development.

Sadly, a 2020 World Bank report shows that 12 percent of the youth are unemployed and more than 50 percent are underemployed.

With many youths idling after fruitless searches for jobs, one would have thought that farming and food production would have become the ‘go-to’ or at least a ‘makeshift’ occupation for these youngsters to make ends meet while hoping to land their dream jobs to build careers.

Unfortunately, this is not the case. As the population increases, Ghana has failed to produce adequate food for its people, creating food insufficiency that is almost a national security challenge—if not for the growing imports.

Past Efforts

This is not a new problem. Since independence, Ghana has struggled to produce enough food for its citizens, resulting in various interventions by previous governments to address the bottlenecks, shore up domestic food production, and cut down on imports for the economy to breathe.

Perhaps, the most popular of them is Colonel (rtd) I.K. Acheampong’s Operation Feed Yourself, launched barely a month after he captured power in 1972.

The program aimed to encourage more Ghanaians into farming while energizing traditional farmers to increase production.

To achieve this, the government supported the program with subsidized farm inputs, access to credit facilities, and duty-free importation of agricultural machinery. It also recruited extension officers to support farmers in applying good agronomic practices to help increase production.

There were also sustained public sensitizations, drawing enthusiasm from Ghanaians for the program and resulting in broad-based participation by the populace.

The results were largely satisfactory, though the gains could not be sustained beyond the Acheampong regime.

Subsequently, various governments embarked on similar programs with similar intentions.

Planting for Food and Jobs

The most recent government intervention to address the food security challenge is the Planting for Food and Jobs initiative. Introduced in 2017, the program was spearheaded by the Ministry of Food and Agriculture and aimed at supporting farmers and other citizens to produce food.

It took different shades, with people interested in rearing livestock also supported to increase production. A phase two was launched in 2023.

Though a great initiative, reports from farmer-based organizations, civil society groups, and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) showed that the PFJ faced several challenges, leading to limited successes.

Indeed, the country’s sustained and worsening food import bill shows that none of these agricultural programs succeeded as expected. And if they did succeed, today’s food challenges show that the successes and/or the programs have not been sustainable.

This is despite the fact that millions, if not billions, of Ghana cedis from state and donor funds have been poured into these interventions.

In the case of the PFJ, for instance, reports showed that almost GHS 3 billion was spent on phase one (between 2017 and 2023). Additional spending was done on phase two in 2023 and 2024.

Tracking the Mistakes

With scarce national resources being used to fund these programs, everything must be done to ensure that we get adequate and sustainable results from such interventions.

This begs the question: what did we get wrong in the previous programs? This is critical given that efforts are underway for the government to intervene in similar ways to help encourage food production and reduce the import bill.

Key among the issues is the need to leave agriculture to professionals and experienced people.

Like all professions, agriculture is a specialized area, requiring one with adequate expertise and experience to succeed in it. Policy interventions and programming must, therefore, be initiated and led by professionals.

The tendency to allow politics to lead the way is dangerous, as has been seen in the recent past.

There are also low-hanging fruits that the country must aim to pluck.

I list them below in no particular order.

1. Rice Production

Rice remains a staple food in Ghana, yet domestic production covers only 40 percent of demand.

By increasing investment in irrigation, mechanized farming, and improved seed varieties, Ghana can significantly boost local rice production.

The National Rice Development Strategy is a step in the right direction, but additional government and private-sector partnerships are needed to enhance processing and reduce post-harvest losses.

2. Poultry Business

Ghana imports nearly 95 percent of its poultry meat, amounting to a market value of approximately $400 million every year.

With the right investment in modern poultry farms, feed production, and processing facilities, local production can be scaled up to meet domestic consumption needs.

Encouraging smallholder poultry farmers and providing them with access to financing and technical training will be crucial.

3. Livestock and Meat Processing

With meat and edible meat offal imports surpassing $210 million in 2023, there is a strong case for expanding the local livestock industry.

Investments in cattle, sheep, and pig farming, along with the development of meat processing plants, will help Ghana reduce its reliance on imported meat.

4. Value-Added Food Processing

Ghana’s food processing industry remains underdeveloped, leading to increased importation of processed foods.

Investing in agro-processing infrastructure can help add value to locally produced crops such as cassava, maize, and soybeans.

Supporting food entrepreneurs through incentives and financing will enable them to produce high-quality, consumer-oriented food products, reducing imports.

5. Irrigation and Water Management

One of the major constraints to increased agricultural productivity in Ghana is the lack of irrigation infrastructure.

With only 11,000 hectares under irrigation, expanding water management projects will enable farmers to produce crops throughout the year.

Implementing modern irrigation techniques such as drip irrigation and solar-powered water pumps can significantly boost agricultural output.

6. Leveraging the Youthful Population

With 67% of Ghana’s population between 15 and 64 years old, there is a large workforce available for agricultural activities.

Encouraging youth participation in agribusiness through training programs, financial support, and modern technology can enhance food production.

Youth-led agritech startups can also contribute by introducing innovative farming solutions.

Conclusion

Ghana has the potential to transform its agricultural sector by utilizing its vast arable lands, water resources, and youthful workforce.

Reducing agricultural imports will not only save foreign exchange but also create jobs and ensure food security.

As the International Trade Administration noted in 2023, by investing in irrigation, mechanization, livestock farming, and agro-processing, Ghana can position itself as a food self-sufficient nation, reducing its reliance on costly imports while boosting economic growth.

The writer is a businessman and philanthropist who founded the collapsed Heritage Bank Limited.

The old brooms are weak and must be reinforced as soon as possible if we are genuinely interested in bringing an end to the unfortunate, protracted mayhem.

In many of my analyses of Bawku, I consistently advise that military occupation and unwarranted curfews should not be the primary approaches to resolving the conflict.

I keep saying that such actions could lead to chaos, particularly the killing of peacekeepers, including security personnel.

I feel pain when successive governments assume that conflict resolution should be solely the responsibility of “big names.”

We are in a new era, and therefore, measures to mitigate conflicts must be commensurate with the current exigencies.

Credibility and trustworthiness are also key components in conflict resolution. An attractive tone, wisdom, creativity, innovation, patience to listen, and a strong personality are profoundly important in peacekeeping efforts.

The author, Francis Ahovi is a security analyst and the Executive Secretary of Global Security for Africa Research and Good Governance (GLOSARGG).

This powerful biblical quote reminds us, as creations of the Almighty, to speak the truth and nothing but the truth.

In our efforts to reset Ghana, we must adopt a critical mindset in discussions on national issues to ensure progress.

This submission is in response to an article reportedly written by Martin Kpebu Esq, which alleged corruption and conflicts of interest in the sale of an 80% stake in the Ghana Bauxite Company Ltd (GBC) to Ofori-Poku Company Ltd.

Mr Kpebu’s article called for a forensic audit into the matter.

As a former Army Officer with experience in the mining industry and a student of security risk management, I decided to investigate this matter further to contribute to Ghana’s betterment, as part of President Mahama’s vision for progress.

I conducted an in-depth investigation into the history of bauxite in Ghana, tracing it back to 1921 during the Guggisburg era, a time when bauxite was first discovered.

Many, including President Mahama, should be proud of the contributions of Ofori-Poku Company Ltd, and its owner, Mr. Ofori Opoku, for their role in helping to boost the 24-hour economy, a vision that will materialize in the shortest possible time.

It is important to acknowledge the alignment of Mr. Ofori-Poku’s efforts with the vision of President Nkrumah and that of Brigadier General Sir Frederick Guggisburg, the architect of much of Ghana’s economic and infrastructural development.

A historical context of Ghana’s bauxite industry

Brigadier General Guggisburg, initially a surveyor in the Gold Coast in 1902, set up the Geological Department and played a crucial role in the discovery of bauxite in 1921.

Guggisburg’s development master plan laid the foundation for the growth of Ghana’s mining industry.

This included the establishment of the Takoradi Harbour for the exportation of timber, cocoa, manganese, and bauxite.

President Nkrumah continued Guggisburg’s work, making significant strides in the country’s economic and infrastructural development.

Guggisburg is also credited with creating the first accurate map of Ghana.

His efforts were instrumental in the early days of the mining industry, particularly with the vision of refining bauxite in Ghana, which was later realized through projects like the Volta River Project and the creation of VALCO (Volta Aluminium Company).

Ofori-Poku Company Ltd’s role and the sale of GBC

In the early years of Ghana’s independence, the government worked closely with multinational companies such as Alcoa to mine and refine bauxite.

Over time, Ghanaian ownership in the sector increased, with the government acquiring stakes in various companies, including Ghana Bauxite Company (GBC).

However, despite efforts to boost the industry, GBC faced challenges due to low production and high operating costs.

In 1997, the government sold a portion of its stake in GBC to Alcan, and later to Bosai Minerals Group of China in 2010.

Ofori-Poku Company Ltd became involved in hauling bauxite for GBC in 1997, and in 2010, it took over mining operations on behalf of Bosai Minerals.

When Bosai Minerals’ mining lease expired in 2021, the Ghanaian government refused to purchase the 80% stake in GBC, citing concerns over value for money.

The stake was then sold to Ofori-Poku Company Ltd, which has continued to make significant contributions to the sector.

Addressing allegations of corruption

Despite allegations from Mr Kpebu Esq about possible corruption in the sale of GBC to Ofori-Poku Company Ltd, it is important to recognize that the sale was conducted per global principles of transparency and accountability in the mining industry.

The transaction followed established procedures, including the Arm’s Length Principle, which ensures that such deals are based on market value and fair pricing.

The sale price of GBC’s stake was determined by market factors such as bauxite reserves, global bauxite prices, and production costs.

Ofori-Poku Company Ltd did not set the price of bauxite or the reserves; these were publicly available information disclosed by GBC.

Mr Kpebu’s suggestion that the price at which GBC was sold was unusually low overlooks the complexities of the mining sector, where pricing can fluctuate due to various factors, including the volatility of commodity prices and market demand.

A call for recognition of Ofori-Poku’s contributions

Mr Ofori-Poku and his company must be recognized for their contributions to Ghana’s 24-hour economy project.

Ofori-Poku’s efforts align with the vision of President Nkrumah, General Guggisburg, and the development of Ghana’s mining industry.

He deserves commendation for his role in strengthening the mining sector and making bauxite mining more sustainable in Ghana.

The mining industry operates in a highly competitive and complex environment, often involving multinational companies with significant resources and influence.

Ofori-Poku has been instrumental in revitalizing Ghana’s bauxite sector, and his company has gained valuable experience in mining and bauxite hauling.

Conclusion

In conclusion, the allegations of corruption surrounding the sale of GBC to Ofori-Poku Company Ltd are unfounded.

The transaction was conducted transparently and by global mining industry practices.

Ofori-Poku Company Ltd’s efforts should be applauded for contributing to Ghana’s economic progress, especially in realizing the vision of a 24-hour economy.

I encourage all stakeholders, including President Mahama and Mr. Gossie Tanoh, to support Ofori-Poku Company Ltd’s continued success.

Together, we can continue to build on the achievements of the past and ensure a prosperous future for Ghana.

A native of Aveyime in the North Tongu Constituency of the Volta Region, Hon. Samuel Okudzeto Ablakwa is serving his fourth term as a Member of Parliament.

His dedication to duty and commitment to bringing real change in both his constituency and the ministries he has served have earned him widespread commendation.​

A Trailblazer in Leadership

Hon. Ablakwa has made history as Ghana’s youngest Foreign Affairs Minister, and he is already making significant strides in strengthening diplomatic ties and ensuring that Ghana’s presence on the global stage is felt. His tenure has seen the introduction of progressive policies aimed at improving foreign relations and making the ministry more accessible to ordinary Ghanaians.

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A hardworking and intelligent young politician from Ghana’s pioneering democratic political party, the National Democratic Congress (NDC), Ablakwa’s unique leadership abilities were recognized early. This led to his appointment as Deputy Minister of Information (2009-2013) and later as Deputy Minister of Education (2013-2017). While serving as Deputy Minister of Education in charge of Tertiary, he defied expectations by effectively managing relations with lecturers and professors, earning admiration for his maturity and competence. His exemplary performance led many political analysts to predict that he would eventually become a substantive Education Minister under President Mahama.​

Transformational Impact as Foreign Affairs Minister

As the 44-year-old Foreign Affairs Minister, Ablakwa has redefined political leadership in Ghana, championing inclusivity and serving all citizens, irrespective of their tribe, religion, or political affiliation. His tenure has been marked by bold reforms, including:​

• Making passport acquisition easier and more affordable by reducing fees from GHS500 to GHS350.​

• Implementing 24-hour passport office operations with three working shifts.​

• Introducing a door-to-door passport delivery system, significantly reducing processing time.​

• Setting up a Student Desk to address concerns of Ghanaian students abroad.​

• Strengthening diplomatic missions with measurable Key Performance Indicators (KPIs) to enhance their effectiveness.​

In February 2025, under his leadership, Ghana made history at the African Union (AU) by securing key positions, including:​

• Ambassador Amma Twum-Amoah – AU Commissioner for Health, Humanitarian Affairs, and Social Development.​

• Ambassador Jane Gasu Aheto – AU Commissioner for International Law.​

• Lawyer Kwami Eden Senanu – Re-elected to the AU Advisory Board against Corruption (AUABC).​

These achievements have significantly boosted Ghana’s international standing and diplomatic influence.​

Hon. Ablakwa also signed an Exchange of Notes with His Excellency Yoshimoto Hiroshi, the Japanese Ambassador to Ghana, to unlock a grant of 1.92 billion Japanese Yen (US$13 million) for the Stabilization of Electricity Supply in Tamale City.​

Dedication to National Development and Anti-Corruption Efforts

Ablakwa has been a relentless advocate for transparency and accountability. He played a crucial role in exposing corruption and inefficiencies under the previous New Patriotic Party (NPP) administration, championing what he termed “state capture” investigations. As Chairman of the Operation Recover All Loots (ORAL) task force, he led efforts to retrieve state assets allegedly misappropriated under the NPP government.​

His leadership in Parliament has also been widely praised. As Chairman of the Assurances Committee and former Ranking Member for Foreign Affairs, his commitment to holding the executive accountable has been lauded. Former Majority Leader and now Minority Leader, Alexander Afenyo-Markin, once remarked, “I commend the respected Samuel Okudzeto Ablakwa for transforming the Assurances Committee into one of the most influential committees in Parliament.”​

A People’s Representative and Humanitarian Leader

Hon. Ablakwa’s leadership transcends politics; he is deeply connected to his constituents. The Chiefs and people of North Tongu have honoured him with the title Torgui Wordgedzi, recognizing his unwavering dedication to their welfare. During the 2023 Akosombo Dam spillage crisis, he was at the forefront, providing relief and advocating for compensation for affected residents. His persistent efforts resulted in the allocation of GHS245 million in the 2025 national budget for rebuilding efforts and victim support.

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Some of his major interventions include:

• Medical Outreaches: Organizing free health screenings and donating medical supplies to hospitals nationwide.​

• Education and Youth Empowerment: Offering scholarships and financial assistance to students.​

• The Footwear and Dress Bank Project: Providing clothing and shoes to underprivileged children.​

• Infrastructure Development: Supporting the construction of the Atta Mills Surgical Block and rehabilitating roads and schools.​

• Humanitarian Support: Covering medical bills for vulnerable individuals and financing the construction of homes for flood victims.​

His grassroots approach to governance—personally visiting hard-to-reach areas and engaging directly with his constituents—has endeared him to the people. On one occasion, he opted for a canoe ride to interact with communities along the riverbanks, stating, “I want you to experience what my people go through daily.”

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The Force behind NDC’s 2024 Victory

Many credit Ablakwa for his significant role in securing the NDC’s 57% win in the 2024 General Elections. Beyond achieving an overwhelming 93.74% victory for both presidential and parliamentary candidates in his constituency, he was actively involved in campaigning nationwide.

His investigative exposés against the previous administration played a pivotal role in shaping public perception and mobilizing support for the NDC.

Under the Akufo-Addo administration, Ghana experienced one of its most turbulent governance periods. The economy struggled with high interest rates, a depreciating currency, unsustainable debt levels, and record budget deficits. Unpopular policies, such as the Domestic Debt Exchange Program (DDEP) and the E-Levy, deepened public frustration, while corruption scandals and partisan appointments to key institutions further eroded trust in governance.

At the same time, social divisions widened. Ethnic and religious tensions intensified, and protests became more frequent as citizens voiced their dissatisfaction with declining living standards and governance failures. A staggering 87% of Ghanaians believed the country was heading in the wrong direction. In response, John Mahama campaigned on a promise to “reset the nation,” a message that resonated with voters and earned him a strong electoral mandate.

Amid this national crisis, the relevance of the Council of State came under scrutiny. Many questioned whether it was fulfilling its role as an independent advisory body or merely serving as an extension of the executive. Calls for reform—or outright abolition—grew louder. The challenge now is how the Council can reinvent itself to become a truly independent institution that contributes meaningfully to governance.

The Council of State: Mandate, Composition, and Performance

Established under Article 89 of the 1992 Constitution, the Council of State is tasked with advising the President, Parliament, and other state institutions. It is intended to serve as a non-partisan body that ensures governance decisions align with the national interest.

The Council is composed of:

• Appointed Members – Eleven individuals selected by the President.
• Elected Regional Representatives – Ten members, each elected by a region.
• Ex-Officio Members – Former Chief Justices, Chiefs of Defence Staff, and Inspectors General of Police.

While its recommendations are non-binding, the Council is expected to act as a moral compass for governance. However, its performance has been widely criticized. Instead of providing meaningful oversight, it has been seen as a passive institution that merely validates executive decisions. Many argue that the high number of presidential appointees compromises its independence and effectiveness.

How Does Ghana’s Council of State Compare to Other Countries?

Many other democracies have similar advisory or oversight bodies, but with significant differences:

• United Kingdom (House of Lords) – Functions as an upper legislative chamber, reviewing bills and government policies. Unlike Ghana’s Council of State, it has structured powers to scrutinize executive decisions.
• South Africa (National Council of Provinces) – Represents regional interests, with elected members actively influencing legislation and governance decisions.
• Nigeria (National Council of State) – Composed of former presidents, governors, and key officeholders, offering institutional memory and continuity in governance, though its influence remains largely advisory.

Given these models, Ghana could benefit from transforming its Council of State into a more structured upper chamber with clearly defined oversight responsibilities. This could strengthen accountability and prevent excessive executive control.

Enhancing Transparency and Accountability

One major issue with the Council of State is its lack of transparency. Unlike Parliament, which conducts public debates and hearings, the Council’s deliberations are largely hidden from public view. To address this, several reforms are necessary:

1. Public Deliberations – Major discussions should be conducted in public, similar to parliamentary sessions.
2. Regular Reports – The Council should publish reports detailing its recommendations and the government’s response, ensuring accountability.
3. Stronger Oversight Powers – While advisory in nature, the Council’s input on key policy matters should require the executive to provide formal justifications for deviations.

Mediating Between Arms of Government and Social Conflicts

Beyond its advisory role, the Council of State could be more actively engaged as a mediator between the arms of government and in broader national conflicts. Ghana has seen increasing tensions between the executive, legislature, and judiciary, as well as growing social unrest. The Council could play a key role in:

• Resolving Institutional Conflicts – Political disagreements between the executive and Parliament or between the judiciary and the government could be managed through the Council’s mediation, ensuring institutional harmony.
• Fostering Political Dialogue – In times of heightened political polarization, the Council could facilitate dialogue between opposing parties, ensuring national unity.
• Addressing Social and Ethnic Tensions – As an impartial body, the Council could intervene in ethnic, religious, or regional conflicts to promote peace and national cohesion.
• Guiding Electoral and Governance Reforms – By working with the Electoral Commission, Parliament, and civil society, the Council could help ensure consensus-driven reforms that strengthen democracy.

To effectively assume this role, the Council must be empowered with clear conflict-resolution mechanisms and given the necessary legal and financial resources to operate independently in mediation efforts.

Should the Council of State Be Wholly Elected?

A major point of debate is whether the Council of State should be fully elected instead of maintaining its current mix of appointed and elected members. Those in favor of a wholly elected Council argue that it would:

• Enhance Democratic Legitimacy – A fully elected Council would derive its authority directly from the people, making it more representative and accountable.
• Reduce Executive Influence – With nearly half of the current Council appointed by the President, its independence is compromised. Elected members would be more likely to serve the national interest rather than align with the executive.
• Strengthen Public Trust – Elections would increase transparency and reduce the perception that the Council is an elite or partisan institution.

However, some argue that a fully elected Council could introduce new challenges:

• Increase Partisan Competition – If members are elected through political processes, the Council could become a mirror of Parliament, losing its intended role as a non-partisan advisory body.
• Compromise Expertise – Elections might prioritize popularity over competence, potentially sidelining experienced professionals and statesmen whose input is crucial for governance.
• Weaken Institutional Stability – A Council subject to political cycles could see abrupt shifts in composition, reducing its ability to provide consistent, long-term guidance.

A Better Balance: Reducing Presidential Appointments

Rather than an extreme shift to either full elections or full appointments, a reformed model should reduce presidential influence while maintaining institutional balance. Some possible reforms include:

• Reducing Presidential Appointments – The President should not have the power to appoint nearly half of the Council. Limiting appointments to a small fraction—such as ex-officio members or recognized statesmen—would ensure expertise without allowing the executive to dominate the institution.
• Strengthening the Regional Election Process – Ensuring free, transparent, and competitive regional elections for Council representatives would reinforce democratic legitimacy.
• Introducing Parliamentary Oversight – Instead of unilateral presidential appointments, Parliament could play a role in vetting and approving Council members to enhance accountability.

A Mid-Term Council: Overlapping Tenure with the Executive

One bold reform proposal is installing the Council of State at the mid-point of a presidential term rather than aligning its tenure with that of the executive. This would:

• Enhance Independence – A Council that does not enter office alongside the President would be less likely to function as a rubber stamp.
• Ensure Continuity – By overlapping presidential administrations, the Council could serve as an institutional stabilizer rather than a partisan body.
• Improve Policy Evaluation – A mid-term Council could assess the government’s progress and provide recommendations that are less influenced by political pressures.

Conclusion: The Need for Urgent Reform

The Council of State stands at a crossroads. If it continues in its current form, public calls for its abolition will only intensify. However, through meaningful reforms—such as increasing transparency, strengthening oversight, enhancing its mediation role, implementing a mid-term appointment structure, and reducing presidential influence—it can regain relevance.

Transforming it into a more structured upper chamber or enhancing its advisory influence could make it a vital pillar of governance. As Ghana embarks on a national reset, the Council of State must evolve to meet the demands of a more accountable and transparent democracy.

Even within the police service itself, the calls for his removal started right under Akufo-Addo, the very President who appointed him, it’s been impossible to ignore.

Ultimately, his tenure will be judged on two main fronts: how he managed the police service and how he handled policing itself.

On internal management, the verdict from those under his command was damning. Many officers saw him as a terrible leader, calling for his dismissal barely a year into his term.

Police officers are publicly calling him names as we speak. Even when he was at post, officers were openly challenging him, including those who took matters up the legal way. And honestly, who are we, as outsiders, to tell them otherwise?

I’m a journalist, I work in a newsroom, if my Editor is fired and those of us under his or leadership celebrate the firing, do outsiders get to say, “Oh, but he was a great editor?”

The grievances were many—issues with promotions, claims of vindictiveness. The complaints never stopped, until Thursday, March 13, when he was dismissed.

On policing, his biggest legacy will likely be police visibility. Police officers were everywhere in the nation’s capital. It helped in some ways to deal with crime but also fueled an explosion of extortion. More officers on the streets meant more harassment of innocent citizens.

Beyond visibility, though, little truly changed about the Ghana Police Service. It remained an institution stuck in its old ways. Extra-judicial killings? Still rampant. “Kill and cover-up” operations? Business as usual. The habit of framing innocent people? No real shift there either.

And then there was his handling of protests. Perhaps his biggest fault.

Under IGP Dampare, not a single demonstration passed without a fight—if the police weren’t beating protestors, they were in court trying to block the protests from starting in the first place. More protests were allowed under Rawlings than under Dampare.

Think of how the Occupy Julorbi House protestors were treated, or how the anti-galamsey protests were shut down. Protestors were literally abducted, their lawyers left in the dark for days.
Just before Dampare was appointed Inspector General of Police, Ghana witnessed its deadliest elections? And yet, after taking office there was little urgency in investigating the violence—until a new president had to step in and direct action. The next election recorded some more deaths but no real accountability. High-profile killings? Barely any meaningful investigations and prosecutions.

So what, exactly, was transformative about Dampare’s tenure? His real genius wasn’t in policing but in PR.

He was a master at cultivating the right allies—Academia, CSOs, the media. He faced little criticism because, honestly, who dared? Speaking against him meant inviting backlash. The man became untouchable until recent times.

And even up until his last day in office, his allies were in court attempting to prevent the president from replacing the head of a security service.

Do we honestly believe security chiefs should remain in place when different governments with different ideologies take over? How does that even make sense? My view is that presidents must have a free hand to decide who leads which security service or force.

But after a while, the veil began to slip. And when it did, it became clear to everyone what this was all really about. Dr. George Akuffo Dampare truly divided a nation.

The author, Kwaku Asante, is a senior broadcast journalist with JoyNews and Joy 99.7 FM.

The views expressed in this article are his personal opinions and do not reflect, in any form or shape, those of the Multimedia Group, where he works.

As Ghana enters a new phase under President Mahama’s leadership, the country is poised to capitalize on global economic shifts, strengthen its partnerships with China, and deepen its involvement in the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA).

The previous administration laid a strong foundation for economic stability by securing debt relief, improving macroeconomic stability, and advancing key infrastructure projects.

Under the IMF-supported Extended Credit Facility (ECF), Ghana has seen significant improvements in its fiscal space, setting the stage for strategic investments in the country’s future growth.

China’s evolving role under the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) presents Ghana with the opportunity to expand its economy through Public-Private Partnerships (PPPs), skills development, and industrial investments.

Addressing the Ghana-China Trade Imbalance

One of the major challenges in Ghana-China economic relations is the persistent trade imbalance. Ghana’s exports to China—mainly raw materials such as crude oil, cocoa, and gold—remain significantly lower than the imports from China, which consist of manufactured goods, machinery, electronics, and textiles.

Key Trade Data

In 2023, Ghana’s exports to China were valued at approximately $3.8 billion, while imports from China reached $8 billion. This created a trade deficit of over $4 billion, highlighting Ghana’s heavy reliance on Chinese imports.

Proposed Solutions to Balance Trade

1. Increase Value-Added Exports to China Ghana needs to shift focus from raw materials to processed and semi-processed goods such as:

   • Processed cocoa products (chocolate, cocoa butter)
   • Refined gold and jewelry
   • Manufactured timber products

   With China’s Green Lanes Initiative providing duty-free access for African agricultural exports, Ghana should negotiate expanded access for value-added goods instead of raw materials.

2. Leverage AfCFTA to Develop Regional Supply Chains Ghana can position itself as a key manufacturing hub in West Africa under AfCFTA. Encouraging Chinese factories to source raw materials locally instead of importing from China could create jobs and reduce import dependency.

3. Encourage More Chinese FDI in Ghana’s Industrial Sector Incentivizing Chinese firms to produce goods in Ghana, rather than exporting finished products from China, could reduce imports. Joint ventures with Chinese manufacturers could help establish local factories in sectors like:

   • Automobile assembly and spare parts production
   • Pharmaceutical manufacturing
   • Textile and garment industry

4. Target Chinese Companies for Agro-Processing Investment With China’s growing middle class, Ghana should attract Chinese agribusinesses to invest in local processing plants for export-oriented industries such as cashews, palm oil, and fruit juices. This would reduce the trade imbalance and enhance agricultural exports.

5. Trade Negotiations: Reducing Tariffs and Non-Tariff Barriers Ghana should engage in high-level talks with Chinese trade officials to:

   • Reduce tariffs on Ghanaian goods.
   • Address non-tariff barriers such as sanitary measures that limit agricultural exports.
   • Simplify export procedures to increase the competitiveness of Ghanaian businesses in the Chinese market.

6. Bilateral Agreement on Trade Rebalancing Measures Ghana should negotiate a bilateral framework with China to:

   • Increase Ghanaian exports to China.
   • Encourage Chinese industries to manufacture in Ghana.
   • Facilitate Ghanaian companies’ access to China’s e-commerce platforms like JD.com and Alibaba.

Implementing these measures could reduce Ghana’s trade deficit with China by at least 30% within the next five years.

Economic Expansion and Strategic Partnerships

Ghana’s GDP is projected to grow by 5.6% in 2025, driven by:

• Increased industrial production.
• Expansion of regional trade through AfCFTA.
• Sustained foreign direct investment (FDI).

1. Industrialization and Manufacturing Expansion Ghana’s industrial sector remains a key driver of economic transformation. Strategic partnerships with China’s leading corporations will enhance local production, technology transfer, and export diversification.

   Electric Vehicle (EV) Manufacturing Ghana’s lithium reserves, valued at over $10 billion, offer a strategic advantage in the EV supply chain. A PPP approach with China’s BYD Auto and CATL could establish battery manufacturing and EV assembly plants.

   • Estimated investment: $1.5 billion over five years.
   • Projected job creation: 10,000 direct and indirect jobs.

   Heavy Industry and Manufacturing Expanding Tema Steel Works Ltd. through a joint venture with Baowu Steel Group could significantly boost steel production.

   • Expected investment: $800 million.
   • Job creation: 6,000 jobs in steel production and downstream industries.

2. Infrastructure Development through PPPs Ghana should prioritize equity-based partnerships over debt financing for infrastructure projects such as:

   • Expansion of Tema and Takoradi Ports.
   • Railway infrastructure linking mining regions to export hubs.
   • Urban transportation systems in Accra and Kumasi.
   • Renewable energy projects.

   Projected Economic Impact:

   • $5 billion in infrastructure investments by 2027.
   • 50,000 jobs created in construction and logistics.

3. Digital Economy and AI Collaboration with Chinese firms like Huawei could expand 5G infrastructure, while JD.com and Alipay could integrate digital payments into Ghana’s fintech sector. DeepSeek AI could collaborate on AI-driven industrial automation.

   • Projected Investment: $500 million in digital infrastructure by 2027.
   • Projected Job Creation: 20,000 jobs in tech and digital services.

4. Strengthening Bilateral Coordination Establishing a China Desk at the Presidency will ensure strategic oversight of Ghana-China engagements. Additionally, high-level trade delegations to China can secure industrial and export agreements.

Strategic Path Forward

Ghana’s economic engagement with China must be strategic, balanced, and focused on long-term benefits. Key priorities include:

• Public-Private Partnerships for industrial expansion.
• Skills transfer and job creation through local manufacturing.
• Trade diversification under AfCFTA to balance Ghana-China trade.
• Renewable energy investments to support industrialization.
• Bilateral trade rebalancing framework to close the deficit gap.

If executed effectively, these initiatives will not only reduce Ghana’s trade imbalance with China but also strengthen its industrial base, positioning the country as a leading economic hub in West Africa.

A few dozen people get sick, health workers attempt to locate and test everyone with a bad cough and other symptoms.

A concerted effort is made to make sure that patients take their medications for the entire duration of treatment, at least six months, to help stem the creation of drug-resistant infections.

The problem is that Western Kenya has a high burden of HIV infections, which makes the communities more vulnerable to TB infections.

People living with HIV are more than 14 times more likely to fall ill with TB disease than people without HIV.

Other locations — like the communities on the Uganda shores of Lake Victoria, Copperbelt Province in Zambia, Eastern Cape Province in South Africa, or Enugu State in Nigeria — have this vulnerability.

Of the 30 countries that the World Health Organization identified as having a high burden of TB and HIV co-infections, 22 are located in sub-Saharan Africa.

South Africa, India, Nigeria, Mozambique, and Kenya tragically have the most co-infections globally.

HIV is not like TB. While TB treatment takes six long months, this is a curable disease. HIV, on the other hand, cannot be cured.

It can, however, be kept in check through medicine that suppresses the infection. The virus attacks the immune system, allowing other diseases like TB, kept in check by the immune system, to strengthen.

In fact, TB is the leading cause of death for people living with HIV infections.

This is where partnerships with foreign donors can make a difference, with resources for programs that have located people living with HIV and then provided them with proper medicines.

These programs help keep infections in check, preventing HIV from spreading and preventing other infections like TB from becoming more widespread.

Similar programs help locate people with TB and provide them with medicines throughout the six months of treatment.

The trend right now is to disrupt these partnerships and cut foreign aid, unraveling the safety net that addresses HIV and TB.

This places regions like Western Kenya at extreme risk from two contagious diseases that do not respect national borders.

If they are not contained in even one location, we run the risk of the contagion spreading.

There are so many ways that this situation can be improved, in sub-Saharan Africa and throughout the Global South.

We need new medicines for TB, to shorten the treatment time and make it easier for patients to take the drugs.

We need medicines that can cure HIV instead of just keeping the infections in check.

We also need vaccines to prevent both of these infections. The only available TB vaccine, BCG, dates back to 1921.

It protects babies and young children against severe forms of TB, but it offers inadequate protection for adolescents and adults against the most common form of the disease.

There is no vaccine to prevent HIV, although new prevention methods have been identified and need development and distribution.

This is my work as a scientist, helping to develop solutions for infectious diseases that are barely held in check, if at all — even as the systems that address these diseases have just lost significant funding.

There is no disagreement that foreign aid makes a difference; more resources are needed, not less.

An estimated US$22 billion is required annually for TB diagnostic, treatment and prevention services by 2027.

Yet only US$5.7 billion was available in 2023. Governments in both the Global South and Global North need to provide more resources.

Global funding for neglected disease basic research and product development has declined by more than 20% since it peaked in 2018.

As of 2023, high-income countries provided 59% of all funding; those numbers are now expected to drop further this year.

It would be great to see low- and middle-income countries generating more research that tackles diseases like TB and HIV, and we are on the path to doing so, but we are still unfortunately at the beginning stages of this journey.

Today, progress against these diseases stands at the edge of a precipice as governments face impossible decisions on where to channel diminishing resources.

The funding for this work does not turn on like a switch if foreign aid from high-income countries is suddenly discontinued.

We have already lost so much ground during the COVID-19 pandemic.

An estimated 700,000 TB deaths stemmed from the disruptions caused by the pandemic. Less than half of all people infected with drug-resistant TB received treatment in 2023.

And now we risk losing the ground that we have made up since COVID.

It is important that the Global South and Global North continue to work together, finding solutions to these diseases that keep too many parts of society vulnerable.

The world will always be connected.

Solutions to these diseases benefit us all.

This article is written by Dr. Monicah Otieno, PhD, Head of Nonclinical Development, Gates Medical Research Institute

Ah, Nkrumah! The man who dreamed of Ghana before Ghana even knew how to dream for itself. If Ghana were a house, Nkrumah was the landlord who built it with his own hands, only for some tenants to conspire and kick him out. They threw his statue down as if concrete could erase a man’s legacy. But as we all know, the moon does not disappear just because clouds try to cover it. Today, those who toppled him are forgotten, but Nkrumah remains as famous as Ghana Jollof!

“More Spectacular Than the Fall of Satan”

Some people actually danced when Nkrumah fell in 1966. Ei! Nii Okai Pesemaku III of the Gbese Traditional Area even said his fall was more spectacular than the fall of Satan. Satan himself must have been stunned by the comparison. Imagine Satan sitting somewhere, minding his own business, only to hear, “Chaley, they say somebody’s fall is worse than mine!”

But today, whose face is on our money? Who has a public holiday in his name? And whose speeches still make sense even though he said them over 60 years ago? Certainly not the coup plotters!

But let’s be fair—Nkrumah was not a saint. The intoxicating spirit of power got into his head small. Sometimes, he didn’t have patience for his opponents. He ruled with an iron fist, but at least, he used the iron to build industries, schools, and hospitals. Nowadays, some leaders rule with an iron fist and use the same iron to open bank accounts abroad. Power in the wrong hands is like giving a machete to a child—it can only end in disaster.

“Nkrumah Never Dies”—His Name Stands Tall Like a Baobab Tree

If Ghana were a hospital, Nkrumah would be the doctor who built it. If it were a farm, he would be the farmer who planted the first seeds. And yet, some people treated him like an unwelcome guest in his own home.

But like a great baobab tree, his name stands tall no matter how many storms come. Walk anywhere in Ghana, and you will find something named after him—Nkrumah Circle, Nkrumah University, Nkrumah this, Nkrumah that. Meanwhile, some of the people who fought him, if you Google their names, even Google will ask, “Did you mean someone else?”

Even the Akosombo Dam he built is still our main source of electricity—sixty years later! Meanwhile, some roads constructed last year are now existential death traps riddled with potholes that claim human lives on a daily basis. And let’s not forget the Tema Motorway—the only road in Ghana that still believes in longevity. You see, when Nkrumah built something, he built it to last. These days, by the time they finish cutting the ribbon for a new project, the project itself has already started collapsing. If you build with weak materials, don’t be surprised when the rain washes it away.

Agyapadie? What’s That?

Now, let’s talk about money. In Ghana, some politicians see leadership as their family’s personal business. They come to power and, before you know it, their cousins, uncles, in-laws, and even their cats have government contracts. But Nkrumah? He ruled Ghana with absolute power, yet he didn’t leave behind stolen lands or secret bank accounts. His children didn’t inherit mansions, oil fields, or government contracts. In fact, if inheritance were a school subject, Nkrumah’s children would fail the exam.

Today, some politicians have more houses than Nkrumah had factories. Their grandchildren have Swiss bank accounts before they even get their first teeth. And yet, we wonder why we are still struggling. When leaders eat all the food meant for the village, they shouldn’t be surprised when the children go hungry.

Posterity, the Ultimate Judge

Today, history has spoken. Nkrumah’s ideas are still shaping the world. Africa recognizes him as its greatest leader. The world respects him. Even in Ghana, where we like to criticize our own more than necessary, his name still carries power. Why? Because true greatness does not fade—it only shines brighter with time.

So, on this 68th Independence Day, let’s raise a calabash of palm wine (or sobolo, for the health-conscious) and toast to the man who saw a great Ghana before Ghana even knew its own potential. A man who built, fought, and sacrificed. A man who, even in death, refuses to be forgotten.

Kwame Nkrumah never dies! Like well-seasoned kontomire stew, his legacy remains rich and satisfying, no matter how many years pass.

Long live Ghana! Long live the spirit of Nkrumah! We die, but we do not perish!

The decision to scale down the event reflects the country’s economic challenges. Minister of State for Government Communications, Felix Kwakye Ofosu, announced that financial constraints had necessitated a modest ceremony.

“President Mahama took the decision a few weeks ago to scale down the celebration and bring it to the presidency. There’s a vast compound that can accommodate hundreds of Ghanaians,” he explained.

In past years, Independence Day celebrations featured a grand parade with thousands of students, security personnel, and dignitaries in coordinated pageantry. The event typically included 60 contingents of 60 men and women each, along with thousands of schoolchildren, symbolizing Ghana’s unity and resilience.

This year, however, attendance has been drastically reduced. Only about 500 people—including security personnel and schoolchildren—will participate in the scaled-down ceremony.

The shift to a more austere celebration highlights Ghana’s economic difficulties. Once considered one of Africa’s most promising economies, the country is now grappling with high inflation, a depreciating currency, and mounting public debt. Many citizens face rising food prices, job losses, and increasing utility costs.

It is against this backdrop that the government decided to cut costs. Last year’s celebration in Koforidua cost GH¢15 million, a figure that has become politically and socially untenable amid prevailing hardships.

“This year’s event will cost only a tenth of last year’s expenditure,” Kwakye Ofosu noted, stressing the need to balance national pride with fiscal realities.

“The scaled-down event does not in any way undermine the significance of the day. The Independence Day celebration is one that President Mahama takes very seriously.”

Despite government assurances, the subdued nature of the event reflects a broader sense of disillusionment among the populace. Some commend the government’s prudence, while others argue that Independence Day—one of Ghana’s most cherished national traditions—should not be sacrificed, even in difficult times.

As Ghana marks 68 years of independence from British colonial rule, it does so without extravagant displays of military precision and schoolchildren’s fanfare. Instead, the celebration is a tempered acknowledgment of the nation’s economic realities.

The festivities may be muted, but the spirit of independence, forged in the struggles of Kwame Nkrumah and the pioneers of Ghana’s freedom, remains unshaken.

Whether the government’s cost-cutting measures signal a more responsible approach to national spending or highlight deeper financial struggles remains to be seen.

Over the weekend, the Ghanaians learnt with sadness the passing of Alhaji Asoma Banda after some ill health at the ripe old age of 92.

Many of us Ghanaians know Alhaji Asuma Banda as a shipping magnate, philanthropist and businessman who owned and managed a huge conglomerate, the Antrak Group of Companies, among others.

In addition to all of these, what many people have either forgotten or are oblivious about is his role in the development and shaping up of the current 4th Republic dispensation.

In April 1992, when the ban on partisan political activities was lifted, a plethora of political parties merged.

The 13 political parties formed had quite a number of them being oriented towards the ideologies of Osagyefo Dr Kwame Nkrumah.

These included the People’s National Convention (PNC), National Independence Party (NIP), People’s Heritage Party (PHP) and National Convention Party (NCP).

The NCP had gone into the Great Alliance with the National Democratic Congress (NDC) leading to the NCP Presidential Candidate Neenyi Kow Nkensen Arkaah becoming the running mate to Flt Lt J.J. Rawlings of the NDC.

The alliance won a convincing 58.3% and 189 seats out of the 200-member Parliament by the NDC. The NCP took eight seats with the Every Ghanaian Living Everywhere (EGLE) party also a partner in the Great Alliance winning a single seat.

The two other seats were won by independents in the Navrongo (Madam Hawa Yakubu) and another from Brong Ahafo.

With the 11.3% garnered by the minority parties all of which were Nkrumaist aligned, the outcome of the results that year showed that the Nkrumaist parties could only make a meaningful stake in the country’s democratic development if they came together.

Several efforts aimed at getting these mergers to take place were held. There were times that conclusions were even announced only for it to be truncated subsequently.

On the sidelines of all these, Al-Hajj Asuma Banda as a kingpin of the Nkrumaist groups managed to broker a merger of the NCP, the PHP and a faction of the PNC to form the People’s Convention Party (PCP) late in 1993.

With Alhaji Asuma Banda as its Chairman and Mr Seth Abloso as General Secretary, the PCP began moves in 1994 towards repositioning the PCP as a formidable force electorally.

The New Patriotic Party (NPP) with Prof. Albert Adu-Boahen and Mr. Roland Issifu Alhassan as running mate in spite of its huge following ahead of the November 1992 Presidential Election had secured only 30.4%.

Due to its dissatisfaction with the electoral process which in the party’s view had led to massive ballot rigging, the NPP boycotted the Parliamentary Election held on 29th December 1992.

The rank and file of the party was very distraught and needed an early primaries thereafter.

Unfortunately, a number of internal party difficulties faced that included the challenge to the eligibility of Andrews Kwame Pianim ended up stalling the process until April 1996 when the NPP finally went to Congress.

Mr. John Agyekum Kufuor was elected with 52% to replace Prof. Adu-Boahen who received 35.7% of the vote.

As far back as December 1994, a general feeling had emerged across the country and within the NPP that there was a need for effective cooperation among parties of the political opposition if they were going to make a good impact in future presidential elections.

Thus, once Kufuor was elected, he was faced with the discussions of a party merger. Heavy discussions had been ongoing between the Chairmen of two political parties for some months (Bernard Joao da-Rocha of the NPP and Al-Hajj Asuma Banda of the PCP).

Eventually, the agreement for the alliance was signed on 18th September 1996. It was now left with two very thorny issues – which of the two elected presidential candidates will be alliance’s candidate as well as the common list of the alliance’s parliamentary candidates.

Discussions on these issues were extremely thorny and acrimonious at some points running into months. Each of the two parties had a delegation of fifteen for the discussions as well as the special Electoral College.

They had two rounds of voting to determine which of the two will be the main candidate and who will be running mate. After several days ahead of each round results ended in 15-votes apiece.

The PCP argued that their candidate was already the Vice President and could only move up as President while the NPP argued that they had the most experienced candidate in John Agyekum Kufuor.

Unless one of the delegates compromised his/her hard stance, they could vote forty times and still end up in a deadlock.

At the third vote held after a two-full day engagement, Chairman of the PCP, Alhaji Asoma Banda did the unthinkable by voting against his own candidate thus breaking the tie to enable NPP’s John Kufuor to become the alliance candidate.

Mr. John Kufuor obtained 16 votes as against 14 by Neenyi Kow Arkaah. Finally, the deadlock had been broken, and the Great Alliance now had a presidential candidate.

Next was the decision on which of the 400 candidates from the two parties will make the list of the alliance for filing.

Here again, the two parties advanced serious arguments for each of the 200 constituencies on the basis of strength of the various candidates, history of the party in those areas, strength of the national party, etc.

While the PCP sought to fight for equity in seat sharing of 200-apiece, the NPP argued that the real strengths of the parties on the ground be used.

Mr. Peter Ala-Adjetey for example is quoted as arguing that we are not sharing apples among parties where equality will be the yardstick but, in this case, they were looking for winnable candidates.

He therefore argued that they “were looking at the strengths of the parties on the ground”. Inspite of the heated acrimony, Alhaji Asuma Banda in his capacity as alliance chairman was extremely tactical in managing the alliance.

Unfortunately, bad blood and various tactics led to the breakdown of the arrangement. For instance, whereas the alliance selected Kwesi Pratt as the Alliance Candidate for Ayawaso East, the NPP managed to file Sheikh I.C. Quaye at the Electoral Commission as the candidate on the last day of filing.

This happened in a couple of constituencies across both parties in the alliance.

Eventually, these long winding and acrimonious negotiations ended up depriving both parties time to undertake effective campaign and Kufuor received just above 39% after undertaking only three months of electioneering campaign.

One thing remains clear – it was the political sacrifice of the sitting Vice President by his party Chairman Alhaji Banda in voting for Kufuor that got him to become the Great Alliance Candidate in the 1996 General Elections.

It was that same decision that subsequently gave him the upper hand to be elected as NPP’s candidate for the 2000 General Elections which he won convincingly.

For all his contributions to national development, Alhaji Banda was awarded honorary degrees from the Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology as well as the University of Cape Coast.

He also received lifetime achievement awards from several entities as well as decorated by the State as a Companion of the Order of Volta in 2008.

Unfortunately, once Alhaji Banda stepped down from office as Chairman of his party and Member of the Council of State, he took backstage from active partisan political activities.

Indeed, the late Asoma Banda has served his country well and contributed to the growth and development of this Fourth Republic dispensation.

May the soul of this great patriot rest in perfect peace while their lives serve as an example to us all!

Engr. Eric Atta-Sonno

eattasonno@gmail.com

A critical institution within this framework is the Council of State, which serves as an advisory body to the President and other state institutions on critical national issues, as outlined in Articles 89 to 92 of the Constitution.

However, recent controversies surrounding the election of regional representatives to the Council – including allegations of vote-buying, political interference, hooliganism, and a lack of genuine representation – have raised serious questions about the institution’s effectiveness and relevance in its current form.

As Ghana commences its constitutional review process, it is crucial to consider a bold yet
pragmatic reform: replacing the regional representatives on the Council of State, as
postulated in paragraph (c), clause 2 of Article 89 of the 1992 Constitution, with the Presidents of the Regional Houses of Chiefs. This proposal, entrenched in historical practice, is timely and aligns with Ghana’s commitment to preserving its cultural heritage, promoting inclusivity, and ensuring good governance by insulating advisory mechanisms from political corruption.

Furthermore, this reform presents an opportunity to address the longstanding exclusion of
queen mothers from the House of Chiefs, thereby enhancing their participation in national
decision-making processes.

ANTECEDENTS OF THE COUNCIL OF STATE IN GHANA’S GOVERNANCE SYSTEM

To fully understand the argument for integrating the Regional Houses of Chiefs into the
Council of State, examining the historical context of the Council’s creation is fundamental.

The Council of State, as it exists today, originated in the post-independence era when Ghana sought to establish governance structures that balanced modernity with tradition. For instance, the 1960 Republican Constitution established a Council of State to advise the
President, reflecting the traditional governance systems where chiefs and elders played
central roles in decision-making.

Historically, traditional leaders in Ghana have been integral to governance, serving as
mediators, advisors, and custodians of communal values. Before colonialism, chiefs and elders formed the backbone of governance in the various independent states that now constitute Ghana.

They were political leaders and spiritual and cultural figures who ensured the welfare of their people. As noted by Rathbone (2000), the colonial administration recognised the
influence of chiefs and incorporated them into the indirect rule system, further solidifying
their role in governance.

However, after independence, traditional leaders’ role in formal governance diminished as
the state adopted more centralised and modern administrative structures. The 1992
Constitution, while acknowledging the importance of chiefs, limited their formal role to the
National House of Chiefs, primarily focusing on matters affecting chieftaincy. This exclusion
2 of traditional leaders from national governance represents a missed opportunity to leverage their deep local knowledge and strong community ties.

Given this historical context, the proposal to replace the current regional representatives of
the Council of State with the Presidents of the Regional Houses of Chiefs is not a sweeping
departure but a return to a governance model deeply rooted in Ghanaian history. It is an
opportunity to revive the traditional role of chiefs as advisors and mediators on critical
national issues while adapting it to the needs of a modern democratic state.

ADVANTAGES OF REPLACING REGIONAL REPRESENTATIVES WITH PRESIDENTS OF THE REGIONAL HOUSES OF CHIEFS

Traditional authorities command greater legitimacy and public trust. Chiefs derive their
authority from aged customs and traditions, which are deeply embedded in the communities they serve. Unlike political appointees or elected officials, chiefs are not chosen through partisan processes but are recognised based on their lineage and the trust of their people.

This organic connection to their communities grants them legitimacy that is difficult to achieve through political means. Their role as custodians of customary law and cultural values positions them to offer advice that genuinely reflects the needs and aspirations of grassroots people. By including the Presidents of the Regional Houses of Chiefs on the Council of State, the government would tap into this reservoir of trust and legitimacy, ensuring that national policies are informed by voices representing the people.

Moreover, traditional leaders are often seen as symbols of continuousness and stability in a
fast-changing world. Their inclusion in the Council of State would strengthen the Council’s
credibility and bridge the gap between modern governance structures and traditional
systems. This integration would demonstrate a commitment to honouring Ghana’s cultural
heritage while addressing contemporary challenges, fostering a sense of citizen pride and
ownership.

Chiefs have historically played a pivotal role in mediating conflicts and fostering community
unity. Their deep understanding of local customs, traditions, and social dynamics equips them to provide counsel that promotes peace and reconciliation. In a country as diverse as Ghana, where ethnic, tribal, and cultural differences can sometimes lead to tensions, the involvement of traditional leaders in national governance would ensure that policies are sensitive to these nuances. By incorporating their perspectives, the Council of State could help craft solutions that respect and integrate local traditions, strengthening social cohesion.

Additionally, traditional leaders are often seen as unifying figures who transcend political
divides. Their presence on the Council of State would encourage a more inclusive approach to governance, where decisions are made with the collective good in mind rather than partisan interests. This would not only enhance national unity but also ensure that marginalised communities feel represented and heard at the highest levels of decision-making.

One of the key criticisms of the current Council of State is its perceived politicisation, with
many members being seen as aligned with the ruling government or specific political
interests. This undermines public confidence in the Council’s ability to provide impartial advice to the President.

In contrast, chiefs are generally regarded as non-partisan figures whose primary allegiance is to their communities rather than any political party. By replacing regional representatives with the Presidents of the Regional Houses of Chiefs, the Council of State would take a significant step toward depoliticising its operations.

Including chiefs would also help restore public trust in the Council’s role as an independent
advisory body. Their reputation for fairness and neutrality would lend credibility to the
Council’s recommendations, ensuring that decisions are perceived as being in the national
interest rather than driven by political considerations. This shift would enhance the Council’s effectiveness and reinforce its role as a stabilising force in Ghana’s governance architecture.

Traditional leaders have an unparalleled understanding of the challenges and opportunities
within their communities. Their daily interactions with local peoples give them firsthand
knowledge of land disputes, resource management, and social welfare issues, which are often overlooked in national policymaking. By including the Presidents of the Regional Houses of Chiefs on the Council of State, the government would ensure that these grassroots concerns are brought to the forefront of national discourse.

This approach would also make national policies more relevant and effective, as the realities would inform them on the ground. For instance, chiefs could provide valuable insights into addressing issues like illegal mining (“galamsey”), environmental degradation, tribal conflicts, or rural development in ways that align with local customs and practices. Their involvement would thus create a more responsive and inclusive governance system that prioritises the needs of all citizens, particularly those in underserved areas.

THE ROLE OF QUEEN MOTHERS IN ‘THE NEW COUNCIL OF STATE’

While the proposal to include the Presidents of the Regional Houses of Chiefs in the Council
of State is a significant step forward, it is equally important to address the exclusion of queen mothers from the various strata of the House of Chiefs. Queen mothers, who play a vital role in traditional governance, have historically been marginalised in formal decision-making processes.

Despite their influence in community affairs, they are currently not standard
members of the House of Chiefs, limiting their ability to contribute to national governance.
There have been growing calls for amendments to formally include queen mothers in the
House of Chiefs, enhancing their participation in national decision-making processes.

Recognising queen mothers as members of the House of Chiefs would rectify this historical
oversight and strengthen the institution by incorporating the perspectives of women, who
are often the backbone of community development. Their inclusion would ensure a more
balanced and representative governance structure that reflects the diversity of Ghanaian
society.

By extending membership in the House of Chiefs to paramount queen mothers, the
government would demonstrate its commitment to gender equality and inclusive
governance. Queen mothers bring unique insights into family welfare, education, and
healthcare, which are critical to national development. Their involvement in the House of
Chiefs would enrich the Council of State’s deliberations and ensure that policies are more
holistic and inclusive.

CHIEFS AND TECHNICAL EXPERTISE

A standard critique of the proposal to include chiefs in the Council of State is the perception
that they lack the technical expertise required to address complex policy issues. This
argument, however, overlooks the significant strides traditional leaders have made in
adapting to the demands of modern governance.

While it is true that the role of chiefs has historically been rooted in cultural and customary practices, the reality in contemporary Ghana is that many traditional leaders are not only custodians of tradition but also highly educated professionals with diverse expertise. This dual identity equips them to address complex policy issues with a unique blend of traditional wisdom and modern knowledge.

In recent years, the profile of chiefs has evolved considerably. Many traditional leaders today hold advanced degrees and have distinguished themselves in various professional fields. For example, some chiefs serve as judges in Ghana’s Superior Courts, where they apply their legal expertise alongside their deep understanding of customary law. Others are renowned academics, engineers, medical doctors, and business leaders who have significantly contributed to national development. These individuals bring a wealth of technical knowledge and practical experience, enabling them to engage effectively with intricate policy matters. Their ability to navigate traditional and modern systems positions them as valuable assets to a reformed Council of State.

Furthermore, the Chieftaincy Act, 2008 (Act 759) highlights the capacity of traditional leaders to engage with contemporary governance challenges. The House of Chiefs has been actively involved in critical areas such as conflict resolution, land management, and cultural
preservation. These efforts often involve collaboration with government agencies, nongovernmental organisations, and international bodies, demonstrating the ability of chiefs to adapt traditional knowledge to modern contexts. For instance, in resolving land disputes, chiefs have successfully combined customary practices with legal frameworks to achieve equitable outcomes. This adaptability highlights their potential to contribute meaningfully to national policymaking, particularly in areas where cultural sensitivity and local knowledge are essential.

To address lingering concerns about technical expertise, the proposed composition of the
Council of State – comprising a limited number of presidential appointees, ex-officio members, and the Presidents of the Regional Houses of Chiefs – offers a balanced approach. This structure ensures that the Council benefits from traditional leaders’ cultural legitimacy and grassroots insights while also drawing on the specialised knowledge of professionals in various fields. For example, while a chief with a background in law could provide valuable input on judicial reforms, a technocrat with expertise in economics could offer insights on fiscal policy. This interaction between traditional and modern perspectives would enrich the Council’s deliberations and enhance the quality of its advice to the President.

In addition, the inclusion of chiefs on the Council of State would foster a more inclusive and
representative governance system. Traditional leaders often profoundly understand the
challenges faced by rural and marginalised communities, which are sometimes overlooked in national policymaking. By incorporating their perspectives, the Council could ensure that
policies are technically sound and socially and culturally relevant. This would lead to more
effective implementation and greater public acceptance of government initiatives.

CONCLUSION

The Council of State, currently constituted under the 1992 Constitution, faces significant
challenges that undermine its credibility and effectiveness. Allegations of politicisation, votebuying, and a lack of genuine representation have eroded public trust in the institution.
However, the proposal to replace regional representatives with the Presidents of the Regional Houses of Chiefs offers a compelling mix that aligns with Ghana’s historical governance traditions and contemporary needs.

Traditional leaders bring unparalleled legitimacy, grassroots insights, and a non-partisan
approach to governance. Their inclusion in the Council of State would enhance the
institution’s credibility and ensure that the realities of local communities inform national
policies. Moreover, the evolving profile of chiefs as highly educated professionals with diverse expertise dispels the notion that they lack the technical knowledge to contribute
meaningfully to national decision-making.

By adopting this reform, Ghana would reaffirm its commitment to preserving its cultural
heritage while addressing the challenges of modern governance. It would create a more
inclusive, representative, and effective Council of State that genuinely serves the interests of all Ghanaians.

This change would strengthen the Council’s role as an advisory body and reinforce its position as a stabilising force in Ghana’s democratic architecture. Additionally, including queen mothers in the House of Chiefs would further enhance the institution’s representativeness and ensure that women’s voices are heard in national decision-making
processes. Together, these reforms would pave the way for a more equitable and inclusive
governance system in Ghana.

Author: Anthony Danquah Esq
Associate @ Sedi Legal Bureau
Email: tony@sedilegalbureau.com

A very rich man cultivated a large plantation and hired workers to work on the farm for him.

But because the farm was so huge that he couldn’t supervise their services, he hired extra hands to manage the labourers working on the farm for him.

The farmer told the managers how much he would pay them and how much he wanted them to pay the labourers at the end of every month.

The managers did as directed by the farmer and whenever money was made available to them, the labourers were paid.

However, the farmers could go for some months without wages because the farmers had refused to release money to the managers to pay them.

But in the end, the managers receive all the backlash, vilification, and insults just because the farmer had refused to give them money to be given to the labourers.

Then again, there was also the issue of the labourers receiving peanuts as wages. But before the managers can hire any worker, the farmer determines how much that labourer should be paid.

However because the farmer was no more hiring the workers directly but through the managers, the workers felt it was the managers who were wicked and had refused to pay them what was due them.

Detach your emotions, erase whatever judgment you hold analyse the situation as the facts have it, and judge by yourself, if any of the concerns regarding this situation should be blamed on the farmer or the managers.

The short story you just read is the story of the Government of Ghana which in this case is the farmer, Zoomlion Ghana Limited which is the manager(s), and its YEA staff who are the labourers.

Zoomlion and the Government of Ghana story

One Monday morning in the year 2006, I observed that the route to my school which was about 1.2 kilometers from the centre of the town was not the usual one I had seen for the past years I had stayed in that community or visited there.

After walking a bit further ahead, I saw people in blue and orange working gear with some tricycles sweeping the roadside and desilting the choked drains.

As I walked a bit closer, I saw ZOOMLION inscribed on their uniforms and on the tricycles they were using.

I remember vividly the words that came out of my mouth as I inched closer. ‘Nyame nhyira mo’, to wit God bless you.

I didn’t know what Zoomlion was, who had contracted them to keep our environments clean, their payment module, and other details in their contract with the government.

But what I learned subsequently was that these persons had been employed as part of the government’s strategies to manage waste in the country, especially in urban areas, through the Youth Employment Agency (YEA) and the Metropolitan, Municipal, and District Assemblies in partnership with Zoomlion Ghana Limited to implement the Youth in Waste and Sanitation Module.

Over the years, Zoomlion Ghana Limited has been a game-changer in Ghana’s waste management sector by providing Integrated Waste Management Solutions to cover the entire waste management process, from collection, haulage, transfer, sorting, recycling, and disposal.

Overall, Zoomlion Ghana Limited has made significant contributions to Ghana’s waste management space, promoting sustainability, public health, and environmental protection.

Although their services cater to various sectors which include residential, business as well as community levels, for this discussion, I will focus on the community services which it renders with the Youth Employment Agency (YEA) as its manager.

A few years after the emergence of Zoomlion, there were reports of the YEA agents under the module receiving peanuts as monthly wages for the work done.

This has existed over the years with similar reports emerging from time to time.

I was searching for something online over the weekend and this issue of the YEA operatives working with Zoomlion popped up.

It took my memory back to 2006 when it all started when these workers were happily working without any of these emerging issues.

I was forced to read the story again although I had read it earlier as an ardent follower of news.

The story, written by Ibrahim Abubakar and published on 3news.com, was about a protest by some of the operatives who said they had not been paid for 20 months, ie, four months away from two years.

Aside from the delay in the salary which became topical in the country, the usual size of the salary also came up.

Then I asked myself how Zoomlion could be so ‘wicked’ to be paying its workers as low as GHC250.00 per month and delay the salary for 20 good months.

Then I saw a release from the Public Relations Unit of the company explaining in detail, the cause of the concerns raised.

First, is the amount Zoomlion pays the workers determined by the government or Zoomlion?

Secondly, does the government release funds for Zoomlion which it refuses to pay the workers on time or not? These were the two major questions I sought to ask which the statement from the company addressed.

I know some big corporations whose security staff are paid GHC500.00 a month after working 12 hours a day for the entire week. If you divide the rate they are paid per day, for the 12 hours, it is GHC16.67p.

This means that even if you round the figure up to GHC17, it means they take GHC1.41p for an hour.

In the case of Zoomlion, each worker has a day off in a week, meaning they work 26 days in a month on average, making their daily wage GHC9.61p which becomes GHC10.00 if it is also rounded up. This means they receive an hourly wage rate of GHC2.50p.

This is because these people are required to work for 4 hours per day and I can attest to the fact that some of these operatives can sweep their designated portions in less than 2 hours and have the rest of the day to do whatever they want to do.

What am I doing here? I am not justifying the supposed meagre salary given to these workers.

However, I have been struggling to understand why no one has ever taken any private security company or many of these private firms on for paying their staff less than GHC1.50p per hour, but have all the cause to roast Zoomlion for ‘giving’ its staff GHC2.50p per hour.

This is if we assume without admitting that the said amount is determined by Zoomlion itself as most of the public have been made to believe.

No one should get me wrong. I am not saying the amount the workers are being paid is enough. No! I wish they could take double or triple of that.

However, what we are failing to appreciate is the fact that this amount is determined by the government and not Zoomlion, and even if it was determined by Zoomlion, there are several other private companies in the country whose salary structure is far poorer than what operatives under the YEA’s Waste and Sanitation Module are taking.

I know there are so many private companies in this country who pay their workers with these peanuts, some even less than the GHC500. However, I used the security company as an example for this piece.

Following the August 2024 issues that came up, the company came to clarify that:

As per the contract agreement, Zoomlion is responsible for managing the operatives and providing the necessary logistics they require for their work, including uniforms, brooms, and other working tools.

However, it is important to note the following:

Payment of Allowances: The payment of YEA operatives’ allowances is solely determined by the Government/YEA.

It is then released to Zoomlion for onward payment to the beneficiaries as Zoomlion manages their day-to-day activities but does not control or determine the amount or timing of payments to operatives.

Working Hours: YEA operatives work for four (4) hours per day and do not work on Sundays.

In addition to their regular duties, whenever operatives are required to work outside their contracted hours, Zoomlion ensures they are compensated with an allowance, and in some cases, provided with lunch.

Support for Workers: While it is not mandated by the contract for Zoomlion to offer compensation in cases of death or injury, the company has, on humanitarian grounds, extended support in such instances, including financial assistance for medical treatment. Additionally, operatives are appreciated at the end of each year with gifts of rice and oil, courtesy of Zoomlion.

18 Years of Unwavering Commitment to YEA Workers: For nearly two decades, Zoomlion has maintained a steadfast partnership with the YEA, consistently demonstrating our commitment to the well-being of YEA workers.

Notably, Zoomlion has established an unblemished record of timely salary payments to YEA workers over the past 18 years, ensuring their financial stability and security.

Moreover, our collaboration has gone beyond mere employment, as we have invested in the professional development of YEA workers.

Through comprehensive training programs, numerous YEA workers have acquired specialized skills, with many advancing to become certified truck drivers.

Annual Global Exposure: Zoomlion’s yearly commitment to global exposure and motivation was evident in June when YEA operatives were sponsored to visit Belarus and Russia, expanding their waste management knowledge and expertise.

Clarification on Delayed Payments: We understand the concerns about delays in the payment of allowances in some regions.

However, Zoomlion is not responsible for these delays, as the government has not yet disbursed funds to the company for payment.

Nonetheless, Zoomlion has, on several occasions, secured loans to pre-finance allowances as a humanitarian gesture, even though this is not part of our contractual obligations.

Even though not everything stated in the release could be directly benefited by a majority of the operatives, my utmost interest is the fact that Zoomlion does not determine how much these staff should be paid, and even if it does, the payment is better compared to many private companies in the country.

What is mind-boggling is the fact that no one has been able to dispute the fact that the amount given to the workers is determined by Zoomlion instead of the government as the company is claiming in its release.

So why is Zoomlion being blamed for a decision by the government of Ghana? You may have your reservations about Zoomlion but truth be told, no waste management company in the country possesses the wherewithal in terms of both human capital and resources to manage our waste in this country.

Zoomlion’s consistent delivery of world-class management services to various MMDAs over the years has resulted in a significant reduction in sanitation-related health issues across the country which has earned them contracts in other African countries.

I don’t think if they were that bad, they would have gotten such deals beyond the borders of Ghana.

In my conclusion, I want to suggest that, if it is possible, Zoomlion should devise means of securing money to pay these workers at the end of every month to avoid the backlash it receives from the public for the unnecessary delays in the release of their funds by the government.

This is a mistake from the government, but Zoomlion is the one that gets the backlash at the end of the day.

Also, there are issues regarding the concerns being spoken about, and I believe Zoomlion Ghana is a responsible corporate entity that has been at the forefront of driving sustainable waste management in Ghana.

Therefore, the best thing to be done is for stakeholders and persons raising concerns, in the best interest of and fairness to all parties involved, to engage in open and constructive dialogue rather than resorting to actions and pronouncements aimed at tarnishing the image of the company.

Despite the immense suffering, Ukraine has stood firm, defying Russia’s initial plans for a swift takeover and securing substantial military, economic, and diplomatic support from its allies. Speaking exclusively to JoyNews’ Raymond Acquah, Ukraine’s Charge d’Affaires to Ghana, Ivan Lukachuk provides an in-depth perspective on Ukraine’s achievements, the war’s impact on Africa, and the broader implications for international security.

Ukraine’s Resilience and Achievements When Russian forces launched their full-scale invasion on February 24, 2022, many expected Kyiv to fall within days. However, Ukraine has not only resisted but also reclaimed key territories, including parts of the Kharkiv region and Kherson. Beyond military victories, Ukraine has strengthened its global partnerships, solidifying ties with NATO and the European Union while securing critical Western military aid. Additionally, Ukraine has upheld its economic stability, establishing new trade routes through the Black Sea and pursuing international legal action against Russia’s war crimes. Most importantly, the war has united Ukrainians in an unprecedented way, reinforcing national identity and the collective will to defend sovereignty.

Impact on Africa and Ghana

Russia’s war against Ukraine has had far-reaching consequences beyond Europe. Africa, particularly Ghana, has felt the economic shockwaves, with disruptions in Ukrainian grain exports leading to soaring food prices and inflation. Trade between Ukraine and Ghana dropped significantly, from $300.06 million in 2021 to $34 million in 2023, although efforts to restore trade have shown a positive recovery. Additionally, the conflict has forced African nations to navigate complex geopolitical tensions, as Russia attempts to manipulate foreign policy through disinformation and economic coercion. In response, Ukraine has expanded its diplomatic presence in Africa, including opening an embassy in Accra, reflecting its commitment to stronger African partnerships.

Russia’s Disinformation and Propaganda The Kremlin has waged an extensive misinformation campaign, particularly in Africa, spreading misleading narratives about its historical ties to the continent. Some of the most persistent falsehoods include portraying Russia as a “superpower” and misrepresenting Ukraine’s role in global geopolitics. Russian-controlled media, state-sponsored trolls, and proxy influencers have been instrumental in spreading propaganda, often depicting Russia as an anti-Western ally for Africa while downplaying its own history of imperialism. This disinformation undermines public perception, influences foreign policy, and creates divisions within African nations.

Countering the Falsehoods

Ukraine has taken proactive steps to counter Russian disinformation by engaging directly with African media, expanding diplomatic outreach, and fostering partnerships with civil society organizations. A key strategy involves enhancing media literacy to equip journalists and the public with tools to recognize and counter propaganda. By strengthening fact-based reporting and digital resilience, Ukraine aims to ensure that African nations are not manipulated by Kremlin-driven narratives.

Ukraine’s Peace Formula: The Path to Justice

Ukraine’s 10-point peace formula outlines a clear vision for a just and lasting resolution. Key aspects include the complete withdrawal of Russian troops, accountability for war crimes, securing food and energy stability, and ensuring long-term security guarantees. The Ukrainian government insists that any peace agreement without Russia’s full withdrawal would embolden aggressors worldwide. African nations, having fought their own battles for sovereignty, are urged to stand in solidarity with Ukraine in upholding these principles.

The Role of Africa in Global Peace

Ghana and other African nations have a crucial role in shaping a just global order. Ghana’s diplomatic efforts, including its participation in the UN Security Council and the Global Peace Summit, have demonstrated strong support for Ukraine. Moving forward, Ghana’s influence in the African Union, ECOWAS, and international platforms can help advocate for Ukraine’s sovereignty and counter Russian narratives. Additionally, strengthening Ukraine-Ghana relations in trade, food security, and education will foster long-term cooperation.

Future Security and International Stability Looking beyond the war, Ukraine envisions a robust security framework, advocating for NATO membership or equivalent security commitments to deter future Russian aggression. Ukraine also seeks to expand its defense partnerships with African nations, recognizing the need for a collective security approach. Ghana and other African countries, through their diplomatic and strategic alliances, can contribute to global stability by supporting policies that uphold international law and deter military aggression.

The Call to Action: Standing with Ukraine Ukraine’s message to Ghanaians and Africans is clear: defending Ukraine’s sovereignty is not just about Ukraine—it is about upholding the principles of justice, self-determination, and international law. Just as African nations fought against colonialism, Ukraine is resisting an invasion that seeks to erase its independence. The war in Ukraine serves as a stark reminder that unchecked aggression anywhere threatens security everywhere.

Ukraine deeply values Ghana’s unwavering support and hopes to strengthen economic, educational, and diplomatic ties in the years ahead. As the world marks the third anniversary of this brutal invasion, Ukraine remains steadfast, not just in its military defence but in its pursuit of justice, peace, and a future built on sovereign dignity.

Three years into the war, Ukraine’s fight continues—not just for itself but for a world where might does not make right. As the war endures, so does Ukraine’s resilience, standing firm as a testament to the power of determination, justice, and international solidarity. The support of nations like Ghana will be instrumental in ensuring that aggression is not rewarded, but rather, that peace is achieved through strength and unwavering commitment to sovereignty and human rights.

President John Agyekum Kufuor sent Ghana to HIPC using this same empty “economic crime” scene rhetoric as his smokescreen upon his assumption of power on 7 January 2001.

After Agyekum Kufuor’s eight-year tenure, the succeeding President Mills and the John Mahama regime also employed the same or similar rhetoric after 7 January 2009 to enable it to go to China for the Three Billion US Dollar loan facility.

The NPP used this same “economic crime scene” rhetoric or words to the same effect to describe what it inherited on 7 January 2017 from President Mahama’s former tenure. The STX, and Saglemi housing projects respectively, Waterville/Woyome, Isofoton SA, “create loot and share” projects, and others became part of that economic crime scene rhetoric.

What of the “political crime scene” unfolding under President Mahama’s watch between 7 January 2025 and 18 February 2025, less than two months after his assumption of office, preceded by all his promises of repentance and redemption? The whip would not crack?

The rhetoric of inheriting politico-economic crime scenes has been part of the rhetoric of every new government under the 1992 Constitution since 7 January 2001 to date, and that is precisely the reason for the electorate wagering their luck with President John Dramani Mahama again on 7 December 2024 upon his can-do promises.

We the people voted for President Mahama for firm and impartial leadership and not worn- out politico-economic rhetorical excuses. Hopefully, the Mr. President’s “economic crime scene” rhetoric is not a preparation of our minds for another HIPC or China loan as has been usual with NPP and NDC governments under the 1992 Constitution. Straight to the point!

The electorate is not foolish and unthinking, Mr. President, that is the import of my articles before the path you are making gets more crooked behind you through the unbridled sycophancy surrounding you, junior brother! When Cadman Mills warned you earlier about sycophants and sycophancy, the sycophants mercilessly verbally assaulted him.

I also have a vested interest in your success. You must not fail again and send the NDC into opposition come 7 December 2028.

Please, brother, walk your pre-election can-do talk! Asalamalekum! Shalom aleichem! Peace be upon you!

Martin A. B. K. Amidu 21 February 2025

The Laadi Centre for Peace Building and Security Analysis (LACPSA-GHANA) emphasizes the importance of human security as a critical determinant of a country’s health.

Many fear the continent will face unanticipated challenges following the suspension of USAID bilateral support to Ghana and Africa.

However, LACPSA-GHANA takes a different stance, arguing that this is an opportunity for Ghana—and other African nations—to thrive.

If Ghana commits to producing just three key commodities—rice, corn, and soybeans—within six months, the country could potentially generate as much as, if not more than, the bilateral support of about $1.5 billion previously received from USAID.

This approach is feasible for other African countries as well, provided they adopt the right mindset and strategies.

Africa’s Unique Potential

Africa has a land area of 30.37 million square kilometers, giving it abundant natural resources, favorable weather conditions, and a ready labor force to produce these commodities at a lower cost while ensuring high yields and superior quality.

Many agricultural commodities in sub-Saharan Africa hold comparative advantages in global markets. With appropriate investments and partnerships, Africa could produce and sell these products on a large scale, tapping into the immense demand within the global economy.

The full value chain of production, processing, and export could generate significant revenues, far exceeding the deficit created by the suspension of USAID bilateral support.

Global Market Opportunities

Data from World Bank reports illustrate the vast potential of these commodities:

• Rice: The global rice market is projected to grow from $292.39 billion in 2022 to $334.24 billion by 2030, with a compound annual growth rate (CAGR) of 2.2% from 2023 to 2030.
• Corn: Valued at $297.99 billion in 2023, the global corn market is expected to reach $410.02 billion by 2032, growing at a CAGR of 3.6% between 2024 and 2032.
• Soybeans: The global soybean market, valued at $200.37 billion in 2023, is projected to grow to $388.33 billion by 2034, with a CAGR of 6.2% from 2024 to 2034.

By securing just 10% of these global markets, African countries could significantly exceed the current levels of foreign aid.

Challenges and Solutions

While there are challenges, such as limited investment in technology, irrigation infrastructure, and processing facilities, these obstacles can be overcome. International Joint Ventures (IJVs) and partnerships could bridge the gaps, while support from research institutions would ensure the adoption of best practices.

By addressing these issues, Africa can mitigate deficits in critical sectors such as education and healthcare.

Conclusion

LACPSA-GHANA strongly urges the government of Ghana and industry stakeholders to seize this opportunity. Developing a robust agricultural system focused on key commodities could end food insecurity, bolster resilience against future shocks, and create a self-reliant, thriving nation.

This approach is not just a solution to the current funding gap but a sustainable pathway to economic independence for Ghana and Africa as a whole.

2016: The blame game begins

After the December 2016 election results were declared by the Electoral Commission of Ghana, the outgoing National Democratic Congress (NDC) government made a series of appointments.

The then-opposition New Patriotic Party (NPP), claiming to be the voice of the masses, condemned the move, calling it political favouritism.

To them, it was a classic case of rewarding party loyalists. But the NDC saw nothing wrong, choosing to “see no evil, hear no evil.”

2017: The Tables Turn

In 2017, the NPP assumed office and immediately revoked the appointments made by the NDC after the elections. Suddenly, the roles reversed.

The NDC, which once defended post-election appointments, cried foul, accusing the NPP of political witch-hunting. The NPP justified its actions as a necessary cleanup. The hypocrisy was glaring. This time NPP chooses to “see no evil, hear no evil.”

Fast Forward to 2024: History Repeats Itself

After the 2024 elections, the NPP made several last-minute recruitments, the same practice they strongly condemned in 2016.

However, they defended their actions as essential for governance, arguing that their mandate remained valid until 11:59 PM on January 6, 2025. Ironically, they were alleged to have recruited even more people than the NDC did in 2016.

The NDC, once a staunch defender of last-minute appointments and recruitments, suddenly changed its tune.

This time, they condemned the NPP, accusing them of nepotism and vowing to overturn the appointments if they take power in January 2025. The irony was unmistakable, a déjà vu, playing out all over again.

2025: The Cycle Continues

True to their word, when the NDC assumed power in 2025, they issued directives to revoke all appointments made by the NPP after December 7, 2024.

This directive, issued by the presidency on February 10, 2025, has sparked widespread criticism, with many arguing that it is politically motivated and unjust, particularly for the affected individuals, especially the youth.

The NPP responded with press conferences condemning the act.

The National Organizer of NPP, Henry Nana Boakye, has also filed a suit against HE John Dramani Mahama’s directive to revoke appointments and recruitments made within the Public Services both before and after December 7, 2024, as unconstitutional.

The NPP argues that the President’s directive is in contravention of Article 191(b) of the Constitution, which requires that any termination of employment must be done with just cause.

It is unfortunate that both parties vehemently criticized the appointments, accusing one another of doling out jobs to cronies and party foot soldiers without due process.

Yet, neither could present solid evidence that all those so-called late recruitments were truly party affiliates.

Their outrage, it seemed, was always selective, righteous indignation only sparked when they found themselves in opposition, but conveniently absent when they were in power.

The Ordinary Ghanaian Pays the Price

Caught in this political merry-go-round are ordinary Ghanaians mostly young people, the very people who woke up at dawn to queue and vote for them.

They watched helplessly as the political elite secured jobs for themselves and their loyalists, while the masses remained unemployed.

The employment landscape in Ghana is dominated by the “who you know” or “which party you support” syndrome. It’s a system that rewards political loyalty over merit, leaving many talented Ghanaians jobless.

The Unemployment Crisis

According to the Ghana Statistical Service, the unemployment rate has been steadily increasing over the past decade.

The youth are disproportionately affected, with many struggling to find jobs despite having the necessary education and qualifications.

This toxic system has bred pretense and hypocrisy. People now fake political loyalty just to secure employment.

I vividly remember the NPP’s final rally at Legon. A young lady, wearing an NPP T-shirt, was asked by a JoyNews correspondent if she would vote for the NPP. Her response was “Eye Zu”.

She was only there to survive. Now, if she’s among those to lose her job, how would she feel? Cheated? Betrayed?

Broken Promises and Shattered Dreams

During their campaign, the NDC promised jobs. People sang and danced to the “Kpreee ke Kpree” anthem, believing in the vision of a 24-hour economy and the new vision of the NDC party under the leadership of HE John Mahama. But if those recruited are now sacked, wouldn’t they feel deceived?

A Never-Ending Cycle?

This political cycle is all too predictable, and unless something changes now, the same scene will unfold again in 2028/2029. One party will make last-minute appointments, and the other will swoop in to revoke them.

They only acknowledge the struggles of the people when they are in opposition, ignoring the very same issues when they are in power.

The cycle of hypocrisy and self-interest continues, leaving the masses to suffer in silence. It’s time to break this pattern, before it’s too late.

How long will this continue? Only God knows.

Breaking the Cycle: A Call for Change

I don’t have all the answers, but I call on you, dear reader, to stand with me in the urgent call for change.

We can no longer afford to remain silent on the critical issue of employment An issue that has become a security threat to our beloved, peaceful country. If we continue to ignore this problem, the very fabric of our society will be at risk.

As Martin Niemöller profoundly warned:

First, they came for the Communists,
And I did not speak out—
Because I was not a Communist.
Then they came for the Socialists,
And I did not speak out—
Because I was not a Socialist.
Then they came for the trade unionists,
And I did not speak out—
Because I was not a trade unionist.
Then they came for the Jews,
And I did not speak out—
Because I was not a Jew.
Then they came for me—
And there was no one left to speak for me.

If we stay silent now, one day it may be our turn, and there will be no one left to stand for us.

This is our chance to speak up, to make a difference, and to protect the future of our country. Let’s not wait until it’s too late. Let’s act now, together, before we lose what we’ve worked so hard to build.

Some Proposals

To break this cycle, we need systemic change. Here are some practical steps:

1. Review the Transitional Act: Make it illegal to conduct recruitment three months before a general election, just as it is for parliamentary by-elections (Cf. Article 112, Clause 6 of the Constitution). Anyone involved should be surcharged for the cost of the recruitment. This will prevent late recruitment or appointment since it can lead to instability in government operations, delaying key projects and the implementation of policies. This disrupts long-term planning, making it harder to achieve national goals and sustainable development.
2. Cut Excessive Allowances: Cutting excessive some allowances for Article 71 officeholders, CEOs, and MDs of State-Owned Enterprises could redirect significant funds to more pressing needs, such as paying salaries for unemployed Ghanaians. This would create job opportunities and promote a fairer distribution of resources.
3. Merit-Based Employment: Appointments should be based on qualifications, skills, and experience, not political loyalty affiliation. Last-minute appointments often prioritize political loyalty over qualifications and merit. This undermines the integrity of the recruitment process and limits the potential for skilled, capable individuals to contribute to the public sector.
4. Promote Job Creation: The government should introduce incentives for private companies to hire more workers, such as tax waivers for businesses that employ a certain number of individuals. This will not only boost job creation but also stimulate economic growth. Additionally, the government should kickstart the 24-hour economy policy, encouraging businesses to operate around the clock. This initiative can provide more job opportunities, increase productivity, and create a vibrant economy that operates beyond traditional working hours. Let’s embrace these strategies to create a more dynamic, inclusive job market for all..
5. Invest in Education and Vocational Training: We must equip the youth with the skills needed to thrive in the competitive job market through apprenticeships, internships, and entrepreneurship training. By fostering an entrepreneurial mindset, we can empower individuals to create their own opportunities rather than relying solely on government jobs. This shift will not only drive personal success but will also contribute to the growth and innovation of our entire economy. Let’s invest in the future of our youth by giving them the tools to succeed and build their own path.

The Time for Change is Now

We cannot afford to wait any longer. This vicious cycle must end. It’s time for Ghanaian leaders to prioritize the needs of the people over party politics. Let’s break the cycle and create a brighter future for the next generation.

The choice is ours either to remain silent or to speak out for change (reset). The time to act is now.

God bless our homeland Ghana.

Pax tecum

His efforts have not only been effective in ensuring the safety of the nation but have also contributed to the transformation and modernization of the police force.

Under his leadership, the Police Service has gained a new perspective, adapting well to Ghana’s democratic environment.

Dr. Dampare’s approach has instilled ethical standards and a sense of responsibility within the force, earning him the title of an ethical revolutionary.

One of his notable achievements was overseeing one of the most peaceful elections in the country’s history, dispelling expectations of heightened tension and demonstrating the professionalism and competence of the police in election management.

While Dr. Dampare’s leadership has had a major impact, some have criticized him due to his relatively young age at the time of his appointment.

Despite this, he has remained approachable, engaging with the public and making himself known as the people’s IGP.

This connection with the people has been pivotal in reshaping the perception of the police force.

The transformation under Dr. Dampare’s leadership extends beyond mere strategy.

Significant upgrades to the physical infrastructure of the Police Service, including the renovation of police headquarters, the improvement of security measures, and the remodeling of facilities, have contributed to a visible sense of professionalism and modernity.

If public buildings were to be ranked, the Ghana Police headquarters would undoubtedly stand out as one of the most well-kept in the country.

This piece is not solely a celebration of Dr. Dampare, but rather a celebration of bold leadership and innovation.

His tenure began at a time when the integrity of the police service was under scrutiny, and he embraced the challenge head-on.

He took risks and stepped outside the comfort zone of the police force, making significant strides toward modernizing the institution.

In his quest for improvement, Dr. Dampare has addressed various internal issues, including the proliferation of illegal police roadblocks that were once a common sight across the country.

These roadblocks often became sites of extortion and criminal activity, creating an environment of distrust.

However, his actions have drastically reduced the number of these roadblocks, improving public safety and restoring confidence in the police force.

This change has been especially noticeable during interregional travel, where roadblocks have now become a rarity, and the police conduct at legitimate checkpoints is far more professional and respectful.

Additionally, Dr. Dampare has placed a strong emphasis on the welfare of police officers. Salary increases and promotions, alongside his commitment to improving police housing, are just some of the steps taken to ensure that officers are adequately supported in their roles.

The improvement in the service’s overall functioning has also earned the Ghana Police recognition for its progress in tackling corruption.

Policing in Ghana has undoubtedly improved under Dr. Dampare’s leadership.

The transformation of the force has not only enhanced public trust but has also cultivated a service-driven, rule-of-law-compliant police force, committed to integrity and professionalism.

While challenges remain, the police force under Dr. Dampare’s guidance has made significant strides in rebuilding its reputation and restoring the confidence of the public.

Moving forward, Dr. Dampare must continue addressing the broader issues within the police service, especially by implementing social benefits like an Employee Compensation Scheme (ECS) to support the officers who serve the public.

With continued focus and dedication, Dr. Dampare has the opportunity to further cement his legacy as a leader who has reshaped the Ghana Police Service and restored its rightful place in society.

His tenure is not a fleeting moment but a period of profound transformation that can be seen and felt across the nation.

I wish Dr. Dampare continued success in his efforts to improve the police force and further the legacy of reform and progress.

The people remember him not for the votes counted, but for the lives he has touched and the futures he has shaped.

A Legacy Built on Quiet Generosity

Dr. Wuaku’s giving spirit has long uplifted communities without fanfare. Through Lifeahead Vision Ministries, he has funded students’ education, supported hospitals with critical resources, and provided relief to struggling families. “Dr. Wuaku’s kindness has kept many children in school. His generosity has saved lives,” noted Madam Esi Agbeko of Keta.

Championing Youth and Women Empowerment

With his heart set on the future, Dr. Wuaku is launching a leadership training program in March 2025 to nurture young leaders through entrepreneurship, digital skills, and mentorship. Richard Kpodo, a youth leader in Hohoe, shared, “This program will ignite dreams and inspire progress for our generation.”

He also believes in empowering women with opportunities for financial independence, introducing business training and microloan programs to uplift women-led enterprises across the region.

Building Economic Pathways for Generations

Dr. Wuaku’s vision for a thriving Volta Region extends to its economy. He has forged connections with Turkish investors to bolster agro-processing and create new markets for local products. Simultaneously, his drive for digital inclusion will see the establishment of IT training centers and merit-based scholarships to empower local talent for global opportunities.

A Leader Guided by Faith and Compassion

Beyond his professional impact, Dr. Wuaku stands tall as a man of faith and family—a devoted husband, father, and pastor whose life embodies humility and service. His spiritual leadership through Lifeahead Vision Ministries continues to bring solace and direction to many.

A Legacy Beyond Elections

The election may be over, but the people of the Volta Region believe Dr. Wuaku’s true victory lies in his generosity and vision. “The ballots are done, but his good works remain. His legacy will speak for generations,” remarked Torgbui Adzatekpor, a traditional leader in Anloga.

The road forward for Dr. David Kofi Wuaku is not about titles—it is about impact, integrity, and inspiration. And his journey of service continues, leaving footprints that time will never erase.

He is now declared as a fugitive by a legal creature of the Constitution. Indeed the hourglass has valuable lessons for political office holders.

Like sand slipping through the hourglass, the mighty can fall, and the revered can become reviled. The winds of change can be unforgiving, cutting down those who once stood tall.

In the realm of politics, this phenomenon is all too familiar. One day, a leader is hailed as a hero, and their words and actions are revered by the masses.

The next, they’re declared a fugitive, their name synonymous with shame and scandal.

This fleeting nature of power holds valuable lessons for political officeholders. It serves as a reminder that their time in the spotlight is limited, that the adoration of the crowd can quickly turn to scorn. It’s a sobering thought, one that should humble even the most powerful among us.

As we watch the rise and fall of leaders, we’re reminded that true greatness is not measured by the height of one’s pedestal, but by the depth of one’s character. It’s a lesson that echoes through the ages, a reminder that the only constant in life is change.

And so, as we gaze upon the hourglass, we’re invited to ponder the impermanence of power and the enduring nature of character.

We’re reminded that the true test of leadership lies not in the accumulation of wealth or the exercise of authority, but in the cultivation of wisdom, compassion, and integrity.

The tale of Ken Ofori-Atta, Ghana’s former finance minister, is a stark reminder of the transience of power and the importance of accountability.

Once a respected figure in Ghanaian politics, Ofori-Atta has now been declared a wanted fugitive by the Office of the Special Prosecutor (OSP) due to his alleged involvement in several high-profile corruption cases.

The OSP’s declaration is a significant fall from grace for Ofori-Atta, who served as finance minister from 2017 to 2023. His tenure was marked by controversy, including allegations of corruption and mismanagement of public funds.

The cases against Ofori-Atta include the National Cathedral project, Strategic Mobilization Limited (SML), among others. These allegations have raised concerns about the misuse of power and the need for greater transparency and accountability in government.

Ofori-Atta’s story serves as a cautionary tale for those in positions of power. It highlights the importance of ethical leadership and the need for accountability mechanisms to prevent the abuse of power.

As the saying goes, “pride comes before a fall.” Ofori-Atta’s rise and fall from power is a reminder that true greatness is not measured by one’s position or wealth, but by one’s character and integrity.

Oh, the hourglass as a reminder to politicians: In the halls of power, where shadows play, a mighty man fell, in a most unexpected way.

From finance minister to fugitive, a tale so unkind; a reminder to all, that power is but a grain of sand in time.

Oh, the hourglass turns, a symbol of our fate; A reminder to the mighty, that their time is but a wait

For the winds of change can blow, and the mighty can fall, leaving only memories, of a power that once stood tall.

Ofori-Atta, a name that once rang with pride now echoes with shame, as the OSP declares him to hide.

The National Cathedral, SML, and secrets untold; a legacy tainted, by the very power he once held.

Oh, the hourglass turns, a symbol of our fate; a reminder to the mighty, that their time is but a wait

For the winds of change can blow, and the mighty can fall, leaving only memories, of a power that once stood tall.

As the grains of sand fall, one by one so too do the mighty, when their time is done.

Their legacies remain, a testament to their name but power, like sand, slips away, leaving only memories to claim.

Oh, the hourglass turns, a symbol of our fate; a reminder to the mighty, that their time is but a wait.

For the winds of change can blow, and the mighty can fall, leaving only memories, of a power that once stood tall.

So let this be a lesson, to all who hold power dear that the hourglass turns, and your time is drawing near.

Use your power wisely, for the winds of change can blow and the mighty can fall, leaving only memories to show.

In the halls of power, where mighty ones reside; an hourglass stands, a symbol to abide

A reminder to the privileged, to walk with humble stride; for the sands of time are falling, and their time will soon subside.

Oh, the hourglass turns, a warning to the great to use their power with wisdom, and a humble heart that waits.

For when the sands run out, and their time is no more

They’ll be hailed for their legacy, if they ruled with humility’s score

The hourglass whispers secrets, of the rise and fall of might; a cautionary tale, of those who shone so bright.

But forgot the hands that lifted them, to the heights they’d gained and when they fell, their legacy was tainted, their names in vain.

Oh, the hourglass turns, a warning to the great to use their power with wisdom, and a humble heart that waits.

For when the sands run out, and their time is no more; they’ll be hailed for their legacy, if they ruled with humility’s score.

So let the hourglass be, a guiding light to those in power; a reminder to stay humble, in each passing hour

For when their time is done, and they’re no longer in the fray; their legacy will live on, if they ruled with humility’s way.

Oh, the hourglass turns, a warning to the great to use their power with wisdom, and a humble heart that waits.

For when the sands run out, and their time is no more, they’ll be hailed for their legacy, if they ruled with humility’s score

The hourglass stands, a sentinel of time, a reminder to the powerful, to use their privilege in rhyme with humility and wisdom, they’ll leave a lasting mark and when their time is done, they’ll be hailed in the dark.

A leader’s strength is not in might, but in humility, a guiding light for when they rule with humble heart. Their people prosper, and never depart.

Their power is not in proud display but in serving others, day by day; they listen, learn, and lead with care, and their humility is beyond compare.

With every step, they take a knee, to lift their people, and set them free

Their leadership is a noble art; a humble heart, that beats with love and starts.

For humility is not weakness, but might, a leader’s greatest strength, in plain sight

It’s the foundation of a leader true, a humble heart that serves, and sees them through.

So let us follow leaders, who walk with humble stride,

Who serve, who listen, and who step aside.

For in their humility, we find our way,

To a brighter future, where all can stay

The hourglass must serve as a constant reminder to political office holders of the fleeting nature of their time in power. Just as the sand flows from one container to the other, their tenure is temporary, and they must make the most of the time they have to serve the people.

By keeping the hourglass in mind, political office holders can stay focused on their responsibilities, prioritize the needs of their constituents, and work towards leaving a lasting positive impact.

The Writer:

Richard Mawuli Koku Quashigah, a multifaceted Ghanaian politician, journalist, and educator.

When I answered, the voice was full of life, and I couldn’t help but wonder who it was. She introduced herself as Bernice, a graduate of the University of Cape Coast in Dietetics.

She told me she knew me very well but that I might not remember her. Apparently, she was a very close friend of my wife—my wife’s school daughter from SHS.

Then Bernice shared a shocking story with me. Two weeks before completing her project work for her undergraduate studies, she went blind.

Despite undergoing several surgeries to regain her sight, none were successful. The longest period she could see was during her national service, but the sight was lost again shortly after.

Since then, she has been home, unable to find work, as people question how she could work as a dietician without being able to read prescriptions. Even after training with the Ghana Blind Union to use technology, no one was willing to hire her.

But then, her father told her about The Kojo Brace Initiative, and she found new hope—hope that she could still pursue her long-held dream of becoming a lawyer.

That was the reason for her call. She only wanted to meet me, even if it was just for five minutes, to share her story.

Her story touched me deeply, so I agreed to meet with her despite my busy schedule.

On Sunday, February 16, 2025, I met Bernice in person to encourage her and offer support in her pursuit of becoming a lawyer. She expressed a desire to be admitted to the UCC Law School, as she is familiar with the surroundings there.

If anyone here can help Bernice gain admission to UCC Law as soon as possible, The Kojo Brace Initiative is ready to cover all expenses for her to begin this journey.

In the meantime, if anyone has a job opportunity for her, I would appreciate your help.
#hope

It is heartwarming to see you sworn in as the Minister of Education, serving under the John-Mahama-led-government of the 4th Republic of Ghana.

I wish you luck on this journey. During your tenure in office, you must resolve many MESSES within the education sector, including the Differentiated Learning Project (DLP).

Differentiated Learning (DL) is a teaching method that structures instruction to students’ current knowledge and interests and groups students into learning levels instead of age or grade.

So, a teacher can have learners of different ability levels in subjects/fields of study within a class. Every teacher with a diploma or degree in teaching methodology may have been taught DL and how to use it to support the students they care for.

It was shocking that, as part of the GALOP Project in Ghana, the World Bank has supported Ghana with funding to implement DL in some selected schools. I consider DL a pedagogy that will be implemented as standard across the board in all schools rather than only in some selected poorly performing schools. To have sought funding for implementing DL in a few schools in Ghana makes me doubt if we have the capacity and adequacy to resolve the basics of problems confronting education in Ghana.

Do we need the World Bank, through UNICEF, to teach us how to teach our children differently (in a mixed-ability class) to ensure they progress significantly in learning and development? We appear as inadequate and incapable people. We are never good enough.

Mr. Minister, you do have a problem here that needs to be resolved. The DL is in its final implementation year. There is no succession plan to roll out the DL across all schools in the country, so teachers and education supervisors don’t know what will happen when the current implementation plan closes.

One core duty in the early days of your tenure should be responding to calls for the expansion of the training of teachers in the DL teaching method across the basic education sector and ensuring its sustainability.

One of the senior supervisory staff of the Ghana Education Service (GES) has asked me to inform you how madly the World Bank-supported DL is being implemented in Ghana.

He says: “The authorities bring in these projects. But they don’t have a proper end-game plan. So, sustainability becomes a problem. As a country, we are only interested in buying V8s. Zafa, the government is not committed to doing what is needed to implement global standards in our methodology, pedagogy and learning processes. So, they don’t provide the necessary resources.

“The on-the-job training that they need to fund, they are not interested in that. So, they introduced these projects, such as the DL, as an intervention initiative. The DL module is that the government pre-financed it and collected the money from the World Bank. It is in only selected schools. Only some schools are beneficiaries of this project.

“The objective is to support low-performing schools in improving learning outcomes. If you see how this project is being implemented, you will CRY! The GES will call circuit supervisors for training. They will arrive in Kumasi, for instance. They don’t go through the training. They give them an attendance sheet to sign; give them T&T to go back. Other field officers are called to training, and when they arrive at the training, they don’t even allow them to sleep in the hotels. They are made to hang around the hotel reception area.

“At dawn, they will gather them and cram them into some conference room, give them some briefing, ask them to fill T&T forms, and pay them ‘something’. The amount isn’t indicated on the T&T form. They are just asked to sign the form. The T&T are paid, and they ask you to go back. They (GES) send money to the districts, which a few officers handle, maybe the budget officers and the accountant, and they will be asked to monitor financial administration in the schools.

“And, so, everything is just haphazard! So, until we come to a point as a country where we realize that we need to do the right thing, these problems will continue to exist. Teachers and supervisors don’t know the continuity/sustainability plan for the DL and the GALOP project. It is a mess!!”

You do have plenty of work to do, Hon. Minister.

Komla Zafa Dartey.

It is May 15, 1979 and Ghana has woken up to an announcement on the radio that a military coup d’etat is in progress to overthrow the Supreme Military Council, verse 2.

Those who are conversant with the political history of Ghana would know that I am referring to what became popularly known as the May 15 Uprising and the precursor to the June 4 coup d’etat.

In narrating my story today, I am not going into the whys of the coup attempt, nor am I trying to justify or condemn the events of that day. I am only telling part of what happened that day and my role with reference to the May 15 events.

At the time, I was working at the Daily Graphic and I believe the title I had was Literary Editor, even though in practice, I did whatever needed doing.

A few days earlier, I had “used my position” to convince my colleagues at the editorial meeting to send a duty cameraman to take a photo of the Guard of Honour seeing off General F.W.K. Akuffo as he went to Senegal and the Gambia to brief them about the political events taking place in Ghana and the transition to civil rule programme.

As a result of that intervention on my part to get the Graphic to cover that event, when it emerged that the person responsible for the military uprising on May 15 was a certain, at the time, mostly unknown Flight-Lieutenant Jerry John Rawlings, the Daily Graphic had a photo of him we could use with the story.

Flt-Lt Rawlings it was, who had commanded the Guard of Honour at the airport that saw off General Akuffo and a cameraman had been assigned to cover the event at my instigation. On May 15, we at the Graphic felt very smug that we had a photo when no other media outlet had a photo of the man at the centre of the uprising.

I left work that day early, as soon as we finished with the afternoon editorial conference, on the plea that I had a personal problem.

From the office, I went straight to see how Mrs Konadu Agyeman-Rawlings was doing, with her husband, Flt-Lt Rawlings in the news as trying to stage a coup d’etat. (She and her husband were friends of mine).

When I got to their home, she was there alone with her almost one-year-old baby. I stayed with her and we tried to make sense of the situation facing her.

Then, a knock came at the door and I went to see to it. I half opened the door and stuck my head out and saw a man wearing a smock standing on the doorstep.

He gave me his name, with a military title rank, showed me an ID and added that he was there with his colleagues to search the house.

At that stage, I noticed there were two other men standing some short distance away.

I took a deep breath, took in the situation and came outside wholly and closed the door behind me, instead of standing in the halfway-opened door.

I asked the officer if he had a search warrant and if I could see it, before I let him into the house.

The officer looked a bit startled, started to say something, changed his mind, turned his face to look at his two colleagues and then said to me he didn’t have a search warrant.

I told him he couldn’t come in to search the place without a warrant.

He took a deep breath and asked me if I knew what had been happening in the country that day.

I said yes, I knew.

“And you know that the person responsible, lives here”, he said.

I nodded and said to him: “please, officer, don’t let us use illegal means to fight illegal activities. You must be on the straight and narrow if you represent the law”.

He stared at me silently, turned around and walked to his colleagues and they went into their car and drove off.

I went back into the room and narrated what had occurred to my friend. I told her I was certain they would be back.

About an hour and some 15 minutes later, there was a knock at the door and, as I had expected, the officer was there with his two colleagues, this time, armed with a search warrant which he gave to me to read.

I let him and his colleagues in and they conducted their search and left.

There was no drama, and I don’t think even the people in the next apartment noticed that there had been any visit from the security services.

The search was meticulous, but very civilised, and I am not certain about this, but, I think when they were about to leave, the officer muttered a “thank you”.

Later on that evening, something even more dramatic happened to end my events of May 15 1979, but that is a story for another day.

For the moment, I have just been wondering about what kind of world we lived in during those times.

There was no Constitution. We were under a military regime.

A uniformed man, a Flight-Lieutenant had tried to stage a coup and failed and been arrested.

A military officer, (he called his name and showed me his ID) tried to enter the home of the person who had staged the unsuccessful coup d’etat and I ask him to show me a search warrant.

He did not laugh out loud with incredulity and push me aside to enter the house. He answered me and we had a polite conversation.

He leaves the house and goes to get a search warrant and comes back to knock at the door to gain entry. This is in May, 1979, under a military regime.

In the year of our Lord, 2025, 33 years into the longest stretch of constitutional rule we have ever had, armed soldiers are led by a man of no publicly determined official status, into the home of a former Finance Minister.

They rudely brush aside the staff, enter the house and proceed to conduct a hostile and illegal search.

They go through kitchen and cutlery drawers, fridges, freezers, cupboards, closets, underneath beds, books, documents, plates, pots and pans, clothes, linen. They take the car keys and thoroughly ransack the cars and leave the people in the house thoroughly shaken and traumatised.

Back in 1979, I said on a GTV programme to Mike Eghan that where we were as a country at that time, there was nowhere else to go but up, we couldn’t sink any lower.

I wonder where we are today.

Their comments were not just casual observations but serious concerns about how the thick dust was affecting motorists and pedestrians alike.

Curious and concerned, I decided to experience the situation firsthand. What I witnessed was shocking.

The air was thick with dust, making visibility almost impossible at certain points. Drivers had to rely on hazard lights and extreme caution to navigate the road.

The situation was so bad that vehicles disappeared into the dust like a thick fog, posing a serious risk of collisions.

Pedestrians walking along the road were covered in dust from head to toe, while traders in nearby communities struggled to sell food and other items under these hazardous conditions.

This is more than just a nuisance; it is a major public health crisis. If nothing is done urgently, we may soon count lives lost—not just in accidents but from long-term exposure to airborne pollutants.

Road construction is an essential aspect of national development. Good roads facilitate trade, improve connectivity, and enhance the overall quality of life.

Hospitals, schools, and infrastructure projects are all necessary interventions that ease the burden on the populace.

However, while these projects are meant to improve lives, they should not come at the cost of the very people they are designed to serve.

It is common knowledge that large-scale construction projects come with health and environmental concerns.

That is why there are regulatory bodies mandated to ensure that safety measures are put in place.

Unfortunately, the situation on the Accra-Winneba road suggests otherwise. The unbearable level of dust on this stretch is a glaring failure of oversight by responsible institutions.

Who is Ensuring Safety?

While contractors focus on completing road expansion and resurfacing, it is evident that little to no attention is being given to the health and safety of road users and nearby residents.

Dust pollution is not just an inconvenience; it is a silent killer. Inhaling excessive dust can lead to severe respiratory diseases such as asthma, bronchitis, and even lung infections.

Eye irritation, skin rashes, and long-term organ damage are also associated with prolonged exposure. Children, the elderly, and those with pre-existing health conditions are the most vulnerable.

Yet, from my observations, the only visible safety measure during this construction is the placement of road signs and barricades to prevent pedestrians from getting knocked down by vehicles.

But what about protection from airborne pollutants? What measures have been put in place to minimize the impact of dust inhalation?

The communities along this road are directly affected. Residents breathe in dust every day, schoolchildren walk through it, and traders conduct their businesses in it. How long must they endure this before action is taken?

A Call for Immediate Action

The situation calls for urgent intervention from the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), the Ministry of Roads and Highways, the Ghana Highway Authority, and local municipal assemblies.

Road construction should not only be about laying asphalt; it should also prioritize the safety of people during and after the project.

Contractors must be held accountable and required to implement dust suppression measures such as:

Regular Water Sprinkling: Construction companies must frequently spray water on dusty sections of the road to keep the dust levels down. This is a basic and effective measure that should be mandatory.

Use of Dust Control Barriers: Protective barriers should be placed around high-dust areas to contain dust within construction zones. This will help prevent it from spreading into nearby communities.

Mandatory Use of Protective Gear: Workers, commuters, and affected residents should have access to face masks and other protective equipment to reduce the risk of inhaling harmful dust particles.

Health Monitoring Programs: Government agencies should conduct regular health screenings in communities along the construction route to track and mitigate the impact of air pollution.

Are We Trading Lives for Roads?

By the time the government completes these roads, will there be anyone left to use them? If we continue to consume high levels of dust through breathing, it is only a matter of time before we start experiencing an increase in respiratory illnesses, hospitalizations, and avoidable deaths.

While we all welcome development, we must not turn a blind eye to the suffering it brings. The time to act is now. The authorities must step in immediately to enforce dust control measures and ensure that road construction does not compromise the health and safety of the very people it aims to serve.

The question remains: Who is truly looking out for the people?

I also address the call by some NDC foot soldiers that I must apologise to President Mahama for associating him with the “clearing agent” tag and the claim that I hate the president. (Some even say I hate northerners).

1. On Monday, February 10, 2025, I wrote an article and said, “Ghanaians deserve to know the basis for the government’s mass discontinuation of court cases against officials and associates of the previous Mahama administration.”

2. In my article, I agreed that some of the cases had raised questions among Ghanaians and their discontinuation did not come as a surprise, but others, especially some of the cases that bordered on corruption and financial losses to the state ought to have been completed, especially when the Mahama administration promised to recover the loot and punish those who have stolen from the public purse.

3. I titled the article “Chief Clearing Agent,” and after laying the foundation for my argument and call for answers, I explained the title of my article with the following words: “I nicknamed Akufo-Addo the Chief Clearing Agent, and Mahama seems to relish that title.”

4. My article was widely republished and discussed by many media houses under different headlines, but the above were my words, which are still on my social media pages. The government reacted, indicating it would give reasons, though some people thought otherwise.

5. Two days later, the Attorney General and Minister of Justice, Dr. Dominic Ayine, held a press conference and gave the reasons for discontinuing the cases. I do not agree with some of Dr. Ayine’s reasons for discontinuing some of the cases (which I’ll address elaborately), but I must admit that he earned my respect and the respect of many Ghanaians. He departed from a popular view in the legal fraternity that the Attorney-General does not owe an explanation for filing to discontinue cases, a view which has the blessing of the Supreme Court.

6. This action by the Attorney General further signals a pleasant departure from our immediate past, and credit should also be given to President John Dramani Mahama. In my recent open letter to the president, I indicated  that “the air of our national discourse since you took over two weeks ago appears to have been purified from the toxicity of oppression, nepotism and impunity with which our nation was polluted in the longest eight years of the Fourth Republic.” We have been used to the government acting with impunity and ignoring our concerns, but it seems the Mahama government is prepared to listen and engage, and this was a classical case.

7. A week earlier, I had been moved by the reaction to my recent article directed at the Greater Accra Regional Minister, Linda Ocloo. In that strongly worded article, I expressed my disapproval of the minister’s announcement of her partnership with Jospong and Zoomlion, which have enjoyed a monopoly over national sanitation contracts but have failed to deliver. In the past, I would have received an angry call or text message from the sector minister, but Linda Ocloo didn’t do that. She reached out to me and said she had read my piece and taken note of the concerns I had raised. Taking note and acting on them are different things, but it was heartwarming to know that our leaders are now prepared to listen, a commendable trait John Mahama has shown since his first term.

8. In my article demanding an explanation for the mass discontinuation of cases, I have received varied reactions. Some argued that the Attorney General owed Ghanaians no explanation. NDC party foot soldiers went berserk because I had associated President Mahama with the “clearing agent” tag, a name Mr Mahama had called President Akufo-Addo while he was in opposition. I have also received great feedback from some notable Ghanaians, who said I had spoken their minds. Like me, they were worried about the mass and unexplained discontinuation of criminal cases.

9. Before the Attorney General’s response, others had also written opinions that countered my disagreement with the discontinuation of the cases. One notable opinion was written by the respected Ghanaian public intellectual, Professor Stephen Kwaku Asare, known on social media as Kwaku Azar. A major argument from that piece has been the same argument advanced by many foot NDC soldiers and the presidential spokesperson, Shamima Muslim. They argued that the NPP administration was in court for eight (8) years and that the failure to secure convictions showed the frivolity of the cases. Kwaku Azar wrote: “If a case has been in court for nearly a decade without a conviction, it is reasonable to ask whether the evidence was ever strong enough to meet the legal threshold.” This argument is flawed in logic and fact.

10. The NPP administration did not have these cases in court for eight years. The Stephen Opuni and the Cocobod case, about the longest of the cases discontinued, was not up to six years in court when the NPP administration lost the 2024 election and exited office. The Saglemi Affordable Housing case involving Collins Dauda was filed on July 30, 2021, and by December, when the NPP lost the election and started handing over their files, the case had been in court for three years and five months. In Ghana, where some cases have been in court for 20 years, that isn’t too long a time to render a case invalid.

11. Even if the cases had gone on for eight years, that was not the basis to question the solidity of the evidence. If the NDC wins the next election and spends eight years in office, the Attorney General will leave office with some of his cases still pending. And we cannot conclude that he’s incompetent or engaged in witch-hunting. The Attorney General can only determine when he begins a prosecution. He cannot determine when the prosecution will end. I was one of those who questioned why the courts were speeding up the prosecution of political cases while others were slow. We also witnessed the filing of many applications challenging processes in the Cocobod trial. The defendants needed to be heard by the Supreme Court, while the substantial matter was delayed. We cannot blame the Attorney General for this.

12. Kwaku Azar, whose article was used to counter mine, had to abandon a case he filed at the Supreme Court challenging the constitutionality of President Akufo-Addo’s to force the Auditor General to proceed on leave. He discontinued the case because it was delayed unduly. Like the Attorney General in the cases being discontinued, it was not Kwaka Azar’s fault that the case was delayed. The delay did not mean he lacked evidence or basis to secure a favourable verdict. In fact, some civil society organisations that filed and stayed on the same issue secured a favourable verdict from the Supreme Court, a verdict that favoured Kwaku Azar’s contention. Our judicial process travels at the pace of wounded snails. That cannot be a reason to doubt evidence or discontinue cases.

13. On the Attorney General’s justification for dropping the cases, I agree with some of them. In some cases, I do not have adequate facts or knowledge of the cases to disagree, while in others, I disagree with him.

14. In the case of Ato Forson and the ambulance procurement, I said in my write-up that I had investigated and produced a documentary on that procurement and wondered why those who awarded and executed the contracts had not been charged. If I were the Attorney General, I would have discontinued the Democracy Hub prosecution. I would have discontinued the treason case against Oliver Barker Vormawor. I agree with his reasoning regarding the Ofosu Ampofo case.

15. Of the explanations I was not convinced or disagreed with, the Collins Dauda and the Saglemi Affordable Housing case stood out. In that case, two former Ministers and three others were charged with 52 counts of Wilfully Causing Financial Loss to the Republic, Intentionally Misapplying Public Property, Issuing False Certificates, and Dishonestly Causing Loss to Public Property.

16. In the widely publicised case, the government had borrowed $200 million in 2012 to build 5000 affordable houses. The cost included consultancy and the actual building. The money was spent, but only 1506 housing units were built. The housing units built were not even completed, and we are told the country needed another $100 million to complete the 1506 housing units.

17. The fact sheet of the case said: “Even though a total amount of $196,428,891.66 has been spent on the Saglemi Affordable Housing Project, with the contractor having been paid $179,904,757.78, investigations revealed that the cost of works executed on the site, including consultancy services, is about $64,982,900.77. Only 651.75 acres of land out of the 2,172 acres of land made available by the MWRWH to the contractor for the project has been developed.”

18. In his reason for discontinuing the case, the Attorney General said: “The second reason why I dropped the charges in some of the cases, as I stated above, is that the charges were defective and, upon careful scrutiny, were filed against the promptings of plain commonsense. In the case of the Republic v. Collins Dauda & Others, for instance, the first accused was charged with misapplying public property (funds) in the sum of Two Hundred Million United States Dollars (USD200million).

“In laying the charges, the prosecution failed and or neglected to take account of the basic fact that it was part of that US$200m that was used to construct the houses at Saglemi. In other words, the value of that built environment is, in my opinion, a key determinant of how much of the total sum was allegedly misapplied by the Honourable Collins Dauda. Discounting the value of the built environment renders the charge defective.

“The prosecution in this case also failed and or neglected to take account of payments that were made by other Ministers who took office after the Honourable Collins Dauda. For instance, the Honourable Atta Akyea, as Minister of Works and Housing, approved a payment to the tune of US$ 5 million in 2017. That ought to have been considered in determining the value of state funds that the Honourable Collins Dauda had misapplied.”

19. I disagree with the Attorney-General’s reason for dropping this case. I’m not a lawyer, but as the Attorney General alluded to common sense, his reason is worth subjecting to that test:

1. The fact sheet of the case said: “On 27th February 2014, the 1st accused [Collins Dauda] who had assumed office as the new Minister for MWRWH, without any parliamentary approval, reviewed the original EPC and signed the First and Restated Agreement with Construtora OAS, represented by its Executive Chairman, the 4ht accused. In the process, he changed the scope of works and the application of the $ 200 million approved by Parliament for the construction of 5000 housing units. This new agreement required the contractor to execute the project in three phases over a site of 1,272 acres whilst the $200 million was now to be applied towards the execution of only the first phase of the project comprising just about 1502 housing units. This was contrary to the executive and parliamentary approvals as well as the Facility and Escrow Management Agreements.”
2. My understanding is that since the agreement was altered, the $200 borrowed was going to be applied (or misapplied) for 1502 housing units and not the 5000 units in the initial agreement approved by the parliament and the executive whoever acted or disbursed the funds after Collins Dauda was bound by Collins Dauda’s agreement. But that is not the only reason I disagree with the Attorney General.
3. The “misapplication” charge the Attorney General faulted was only one count. Granted that it was defective, does that also invalidate the other 51 counts with different particulars of offences?
4. Collins Dauda also faced three other charges, namely Wilfully Causing Financial Loss to the Republic, Issuing False Certificate, and Dishonestly Causing Loss to Public Property. So, if one charge failed the commonsense test, how about the rest?
5. If Collins Dauda was wrongly charged, how about the other four accused persons? Why were they not allowed to the four charges and tens of counts against them? Does a single count against Collins Dauda, even if we agree it was defective, render the charges against the other persons invalid?
6. Finally, nobody has argued against the fact that Ghana lost money in the Saglemi housing project. The $200 million we borrowed would be repaid with interest. We got only 1506 partially completed housing units instead of 5000 fully completed units. At every material moment, ministers and chief directors were responsible for the expenditure and disbursement of the funds. Granted that the former Attorney General made mistakes, couldn’t the charges be amended so that the persons involved would answer for their roles? If we move on and allow the $200 million to go to waste without anybody answering for it, what message are we sending to others who occupy public office?

CALL FOR APOLOGY TO PRESIDENT MAHAMA

20. The Attorney General also said he took responsibility for discontinuing the cases and that the president did not ask him to do so. Based on this, some NDC foot soldiers have called me to apologise to President Mahama over the “chief clearing agent” tag. I stand by the context in which I used the tag, and I owe the president no apology.

21. It will be difficult to accept the explanation that the Attorney General acted alone and proceeded to discontinue these high-profile cases without consulting and getting the green light from President Mahama, who appointed him. I can’t accept that.

22. When candidate Mahama called President Akufo-Addo a clearing agent, President Akufo-Addo insisted that he did not clear the appointees and that they had been investigated and cleared by state institutions. We didn’t buy that from President Akufo-Addo and cannot be forced to buy that from President Mahama. The buck stops with the president, so Mahama cannot take credit for the ultimate good in his administration and run away from the bad.

23. I insist that the mass discontinuation will hamper his own anti-corruption effort because if the next administration comes and clears unresolved cases, we will be used to a bad precedent.

HATRED FOR PRESIDENT MAHAMA

24. My article has also ignited accusations from NDC foot soldiers that I hate President Mahama. President Mahama and those close to him know we are friends. In fact, I cannot hate him. I’m just doing my work.

25. In my book, “The Fourth John: Reign, Rejection & Rebound,” I recounted my admiration for Mr. John Dramani Mahama even before he became president. I said I voted for him in 2012 because of that admiration. When he became president, I was about the most critical journalist of his admiration. That wasn’t hatred. I didn’t like his leadership, but he is a true gentleman, and I like him for that. Surprisingly, some NPP sympathisers accused me of hating Akufo-Addo just because I was critical of his administration, as I had been in the Mahama era.

26. In Mahama’s eight years as opposition leader, I was one journalist who publicly praised his tolerance and acceptance of dissenting views. Those who attended my book launch last year heard me mount the stage and praise President Mahama highly. Even though I had concerns about his fight against corruption, I missed no opportunity to say he was far better than Akufo-Addo. In a 2019 article, I titled it “MANASSEH’S FOLDER: Even Akufo-Addo’s Wife Will Choose John Mahama over Her Husband on this.”

27. How do I publicly speak well about a man I hate? I don’t hate Mahama, and he knows it. I love him as a person, but I will be critical of his administration. I will praise him when he’s praiseworthy and criticise him when I have to. Those who attacked me for being critical of Akufo-Addo are the same people saying the NPP lost because of Akufo-Addo’s sins. While in office, they wouldn’t admit Akufo-Addo could commit any sins.

28. For Mahama to succeed, he doesn’t need only singers. Mahama doesn’t need only the Appiah Stadiums of this world. He also needs the Manassehs, the metaphorical gadfly Socrates referred to in the “Apology of Socrates.” In the words of  the great philosopher, the “state is like a great and noble steed who is tardy in his motions owing to his very size, and requires to be stirred into life.”

29. The state and politicians need to be stirred to life occasionally. How they react to that stirring can buy them goodwill or take it away from them. In this case, the Attorney General and the government have received plaudits from many quarters for their willingness to answer to the people of Ghana. I don’t agree with some of the reasons, but Dr Dominic Ayine’s reaction gives me hope for a government that is prepared to listen and engage. If both the gadfly and the state are awake to our duties, President Mahama will succeed in resetting Ghana.

*******

The writer, Manasseh Azure Awuni, is an investigative journalist and author.

One such is Operation Recover All Loot, ORAL, which has completed its work and submitted a report. The five member task force was preparing grounds for bigger eyes to investigate illegal loot that has impoverished the Gold Coast.

In giving a name to the Committee with an acronym, ORAL, hardly did JDM know he was waking sleeping dogs. He had by a single stroke of the pen, invited the Committee to inspect ORAL cavities of suspected nationals. The only omission was forgetting to ask them to declare their own cavities, including the boss who sent them, all in the interest of a ‘reset’ nation.

The following are the likely video outcomes: ‘dental highways,’ 100001 dental formulae, bruised gums, warts, baby lizards, archaic dental debris, wobbly dentures, and prematurely expanded jaws, etc. That line of ‘do-it-yourself’ probe would have produced a few confessions, if digitalised:

They danced in the light, embraced by the sun,
but shadows crept in—peace came undone.
The fight we lost, a battle of pride,
killing each other, with nowhere to hide.

Families shattered, like glass on the floor,
what once was a home, now heartache galore.
The bustling streets now silent and bare,
properties ruined—a testament to despair.

Where children once played, now echoes of pain,
a legacy tarnished, love turned to stain.
Business once thrived, now a ghost of the past,
curfews imposed, as the die was cast.

The markets lay empty, the colors all fade,
in the wake of our choices, the price we have paid.
Peace, a mere whisper, a memory so slight,
as we grapple with loss in the absence of light.

Adele, Akyode, and Challa—once one,
now stand divided, their unity undone.
Yet in the ashes, a flicker remains,
a chance to rebuild, to heal from our pains.

For love knows no borders, no fences too high,
in unity’s embrace, we can reach for the sky.
So let us remember, as we mourn what we’ve lost,
the power of kindness, no matter the cost.

In the heart of our town, let compassion ignite,
and together, we’ll forge a future so bright.

At just 36, his victory signifies a generational shift, proving that competence, innovation, and impact matter more than political seniority. This win is not just for the Volta Region; it is a win for Ghana’s youth, for business-driven governance, and for every community seeking meaningful representation.

A Victory That Signals Change

For decades, Ghana’s political landscape has been shaped by career politicians, often sidelining young, dynamic individuals with fresh perspectives. Atokple’s overwhelming win—securing 24 votes—demonstrates that the tide is turning. His success is a clear indication that leadership is evolving to welcome those who bring real solutions, economic vision, and a people-centered approach.

What makes his victory so compelling is how he got here—not through traditional party structures but through a track record of tangible impact. As an entrepreneur and philanthropist, Atokple has dedicated his career to solving real problems, from job creation to youth empowerment and community development. His leadership of Sesi-Edem Company Limited and the Tanko Foundation has already touched countless lives, and now, he is set to bring that same results-driven mindset to national governance.

A Voice for the Volta Region: Beyond Symbolism to Action

The Volta Region, known for its rich cultural heritage and untapped economic potential, has long struggled with issues such as infrastructure deficits, youth unemployment, and limited private investment. For many, representation in the Council of State has often felt symbolic rather than transformative. Atokple’s rise changes that narrative.

His business background uniquely positions him to be more than just a voice in the Council—he is expected to be a dealmaker, a bridge-builder, and a champion for policies that directly uplift the region. His commitment to working closely with assembly members, traditional rulers, and business stakeholders signals a shift from passive representation to active advocacy.

“This is not just about me—it’s about the Volta Region. It’s about ensuring that our voices are heard, our resources are leveraged effectively, and our youth have a future they can believe in,” he stated after his victory.

With his experience in driving investments and creating economic opportunities, Atokple is well-placed to push for infrastructural development, improved access to capital for young entrepreneurs, and partnerships that bring lasting growth to the region. His deep understanding of business and governance makes him an asset not only to the Volta Region but to Ghana as a whole.

A Win for Ghana’s Youth: Breaking Barriers, Redefining Leadership

Atokple’s victory is a landmark moment for young Ghanaians who have often felt excluded from leadership spaces. For too long, governance has been perceived as the domain of the older generation, with young people relegated to the sidelines. His election challenges this outdated notion and proves that leadership is about impact, not just age.

For the millions of young Ghanaians striving to make a difference in their fields, his success serves as a powerful message: innovation, integrity, and commitment to service can open doors at the highest levels of decision-making.

“Young people have the energy, ideas, and solutions to drive Ghana’s progress. My election is a call to action—we can no longer wait for change; we must step up and be part of it,” Atokple emphasized.

His rise from a business leader to a statesman embodies the growing influence of young professionals in shaping the nation’s future. It also signals to Ghana’s political institutions that the electorate is ready for new voices, fresh ideas, and leadership that prioritizes results over rhetoric.

What Lies Ahead: Turning Promise into Impact

Winning the seat on the Council of State is just the beginning. The real challenge lies ahead—translating his vision into tangible outcomes. Atokple has already set clear priorities: advocating for economic empowerment, creating an enabling environment for youth entrepreneurship, and ensuring that national policies reflect the aspirations of the people he represents.

His business acumen will be invaluable in policy discussions around job creation, investment promotion, and sustainable development. Many expect him to push for accountability, drive partnerships between the private and public sectors, and work towards positioning the Volta Region as an economic hub.

Ghanaians will be watching closely—not just to see him occupy a seat in the Council of State, but to witness the real impact of his leadership. Can he leverage his networks to attract investments? Will he be a strong voice for youth empowerment? Can he help shape policies that bring long-term benefits to his region and the country? These are the questions that will define his tenure.

A Call to Action: A New Era of Leadership in Ghana

Tanko Atokple’s journey sends a clear message to Ghana’s youth and professionals: leadership is not about waiting for permission—it is about stepping up, taking action, and proving that young people are not just the future but the present.

His election redefines what it means to lead in Ghana today. It is no longer just about political experience but about the ability to bring real solutions, the courage to challenge the status quo, and the commitment to serve with integrity.

As he assumes his new role, one thing is certain: Atokple represents more than a region—he represents a movement. A movement towards leadership that is inclusive, progressive, and deeply connected to the needs of the people. His victory is a reminder that Ghana’s progress depends on the boldness of those willing to lead, the resilience of those who refuse to settle for less, and the vision of a generation determined to build a better nation.

With Tanko Atokple at the table, the Volta Region—and indeed, Ghana—can look forward to a new era of transformative leadership.

That’s been true from the earliest hunter-gatherer tribes to the great empires of the modern age.

But now, we are facing something fundamentally different—the rise of artificial intelligence as the dominant organizing force of governance and power.

This isn’t a trivial shift. It’s not just about convenience or automation. It’s about the very foundation of political structure, the very essence of governance.

In the coming decades, AI won’t simply be a tool that governments use—it will be the primary driver of decision-making, economic structuring, military strategy, and even the control of public perception.

That’s not science fiction. That’s happening now.

The AI State: How Governance Will Change

Nations have traditionally projected power through four main avenues:

1. Military force—the ability to defend and extend influence through physical might.
2. Diplomatic negotiation—the ability to forge alliances, secure trade, and manage global relationships.
3. Intelligence operations—the ability to gather and process information to maintain security.
4. Information control—the ability to manage public perception and shape narratives.

What’s happening now, in real-time, is the complete transformation of all four of these areas under the dominion of artificial intelligence.

1. AI-Driven Policy and Governance

Governments have always struggled with inefficiency. Bureaucracies bloat. Decision-making gets bogged down by conflicting interests and human error.

AI removes these inefficiencies, allowing real-time optimization of policy and economic management. Nations that harness AI will govern with precision, responding instantly to shifts in markets, security threats, and public needs.

2. AI Warfare and Autonomous Defense

The battlefield is no longer purely physical. AI will decide strategy, deploy cyber defenses, and even operate autonomous weapons systems.

The question isn’t whether this will happen—it already is. The U.S. and China are in an arms race for AI-driven military superiority.

Those who lag behind in AI-powered warfare will no longer have meaningful sovereignty over their own security.

3. AI and Diplomatic Supremacy

Diplomacy is about leverage. It’s about knowing what the other side wants before they do. AI-driven predictive analytics will give governments an unprecedented ability to anticipate political shifts, economic downturns, and even social movements.

AI will craft negotiation strategies, optimize trade agreements, and even preemptively shape geopolitical alliances. The nations with the most powerful AI will set the terms of global engagement.

4. The AI Information War: Control or Be Controlled

This is something people don’t fully appreciate yet—the true battlefield of the 21st century is information. Whoever controls AI-driven media, controls reality.

Deepfakes, algorithmic propaganda, and AI-generated narratives will determine elections, destabilize governments, and manipulate entire populations.

If a country cannot defend itself against AI-driven disinformation, it ceases to be an autonomous entity.

What Ghana Must Do—Now, Not Later

If Ghana, and by extension the developing world, wants to avoid being an AI colony of the great powers, it must act decisively.

The decisions made in the next five to ten years will determine whether Ghana is a participant in the AI future—or a subject of it.

1. Establish a National AI Authority

You need a centralized body dedicated to AI strategy. Not a bureaucracy that exists for the sake of existing, but a real strategic command center that coordinates AI policy across defense, economy, infrastructure, and governance.

2. Train and Educate AI Talent at Scale

You need people who understand AI at a fundamental level. Not just end-users, not just consumers, but engineers, researchers, and policymakers who can develop Ghana’s own AI frameworks.

Without that, you’re buying your intelligence from someone else—and they can turn it off whenever they please.

3. Build AI-Powered Cyber Defense

This is non-negotiable. AI-driven cyber warfare is already here. If Ghana does not develop AI-based cybersecurity, its infrastructure, finances, and national security will be perpetually vulnerable to external manipulation.

4. Leverage AI for Economic Independence

The future of economic competition is AI-driven. Agriculture, trade, manufacturing—all will be dominated by predictive AI models.

If Ghana integrates AI into its industries now, it will maintain economic sovereignty. If not, it will merely be a marketplace for AI-driven multinational corporations.

5. Use AI for Strategic Diplomacy

Ghana needs to anticipate the AI-driven world order and position itself accordingly. This means forging AI partnerships, ensuring data sovereignty, and leveraging AI for diplomatic intelligence. The alternative is being left out of the future altogether.

The AI Future is a War for Sovereignty

This isn’t just about technology. It’s about power. It’s about who decides the rules of the future. In the next decade, AI will determine which nations rise, which decline, and which become permanently subservient to AI superpowers.

The question Ghana—and every developing country—must ask is: Do we want to shape the future, or do we want it to be shaped for us?

Because there is no neutral ground in the AI age. There is only control, or being controlled.

About the Author:

Dr. Augustine Blay is a seasoned leader and innovator with over 25 years of experience in digitalization, leadership, and policy analysis.

He has played pivotal roles in shaping Ghana’s digital landscape—serving as Executive Secretary to Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia, directing the digital campaign for his presidential bid, and co-chairing the NPP Manifesto Committee on Digitalization.

A dedicated writer and advocate for Africa’s digital transformation, Dr. Blay explores the intersection of technology, policy, and economic development to craft compelling arguments for a unified digital Africa.

Inspired by the legacies of Kwame Nkrumah, Simon Perez, Steve Jobs, Busia, and Dr. JB Danquah, he champions innovative reforms in telecommunications, finance, and digital identity to reduce data costs, empower entrepreneurs, and unite the continent’s digital markets under a cohesive framework—paving the way for a prosperous future for all Africans.

As Kwame Nkrumah once declared, “The independence of Ghana is meaningless unless it is linked up with the total liberation of the African continent.”

Today, that liberation must extend into the digital realm—a realm that is fast becoming the very foundation of our economic, social, and cultural lives.

Now, consider the current state of Africa’s digital landscape. Despite being home to 1.4 billion people, our digital markets remain fragmented.

We see exorbitant data costs, inefficient infrastructure, and regulatory discord that stifle innovation and keep our people from realizing their full potential. And yet, there is a clear and powerful example in our midst—Ghana.

Ghana has, over the past decade, made remarkable strides in digitalization.

Our nation has not only embraced mobile technology and digital financial services—earning accolades from international organizations like the World Economic Forum and the International Telecommunication Union—but has also become a beacon for digital progress in West Africa.

Accra, for instance, is increasingly recognized as a hub of innovation, where startups flourish and digital initiatives are transforming lives.

Ghana has successfully deployed biometric digital identity system, a digital address system, and a total annual fintech transactions of more than 3 trillion cedis.

Ghana is now the first in global mobile money regulation in the world, and many more.  These achievements, however, are only the beginning.

With five years to go until 2030, the jury is still out on Africa’s Vision 2030 on digitalization. The official documents emphasize a “United” digital Africa—a call for the continent to come together.

But if we examine our challenges more closely, the keyword moving forward should not merely be “United.” Instead, it must be “Unified.”

United implies that separate entities are joining forces, yet Unified suggests an integrated, harmonized, and deeply coordinated system that leaves no part of our digital economy operating in isolation.

In order to truly break the chains that hold back our development, Africa must adopt a Unified digital strategy—one that binds together telecom infrastructure, policy frameworks, financial systems, and even our very identities.

Now, let me be clear: these successes in Ghana, as impressive as they are, must serve as the catalyst for something much larger. Ghana must now lead the charge in creating a Pan-African Digital Market.

The idea is simple yet profound: by unifying our telecom infrastructure, harmonizing digital policies, building robust infrastructure, integrating our financial systems, and forging a unified African identity, we can force down data costs across the continent. This is not merely an economic imperative—it is a moral one.

Consider the example of India, which, through fierce market competition and visionary policy reforms, reduced data costs by over 90% in just a few short years.

Their approach wasn’t accidental; it was a deliberate, strategic effort to unleash the transformative power of affordable data.

Let’s put this into perspective:The average cost of 1GB of data in Ghana is around $2.17, while in India, it’s $0.10 per GB—20 times cheaper! Despite Africa having 1.4 billion people, our telecom sector is divided into 54 tiny, inefficient markets, each with its own expensive infrastructure, policies, and pricing structures.

Instead of using our massive population as leverage, we allow iur physical borders to dictate digital economy.

Ghana, with its stable political climate, progressive digital policies, and burgeoning tech ecosystem, is uniquely positioned to do what India did—but on a Pan-African scale.

Let’s break down what this means:

1. A Continental Telecom Enterprise:

Ghana must champion the creation of Africa’s first truly cross-border telecom provider. Imagine a company that operates seamlessly throughout Africa, enabling an entrepreneur in Accra to serve a customer in Lagos or Nairobi without the friction of exorbitant data charges.

This bold initiative will not only drive down costs through sheer scale but also keep digital profits within the continent.

2. Unified Digital Policy:

Under the auspices of frameworks like the African Continental Free Trade Agreement (AfCFTA), Ghana can help establish a single regulatory framework for telecom and digital services.

By eliminating intra-Africa data roaming fees and harmonizing spectrum allocation, we can create a digital marketplace that is both efficient and equitable. Such unity is essential if we are to truly liberate our digital economies.

3. Digital Infrastructure Revolution:

Ghana has already demonstrated its capacity to lead in infrastructure development—from the pioneering days of the Akosombo Dam to the current rollout of fiber optics and mobile money systems.

It’s time to build on that legacy by spearheading a continent-wide digital infrastructure revolution. Investments in 5G networks, expansive fiber-optic grids, and cross-border connectivity projects will form the bedrock upon which our digital future is built.

4. A Pan-African Payment Platform of Central Banks:

In today’s digital economy, financial integration is crucial. We must not relent on the expansion of the unified Pan-African Payment Platform, coordinated by central banks across the continent.

Imagine a system where the continent’s financial institutions—united in purpose—enable instantaneous, secure, and cost-effective transactions across borders.

This would not only reduce the friction and cost associated with cross-border payments but also bolster economic integration, enhance trust in digital transactions, and ultimately empower entrepreneurs and consumers alike.

Ghana’s pioneering work in mobile money and digital financial services provides the perfect blueprint for this audacious initiative of an active and unified Pan African payment plan.

5. A Unified African Identity Platform:

Identity is the cornerstone of civilization and the bedrock upon which trust and community are built. In our fragmented digital landscape, African citizens often find themselves divided by national borders and disparate systems of identification.

To forge a truly unified digital Africa, we must establish a Pan-African Identity Platform. This platform would integrate biometric, governmental, and financial identification systems into a single, secure digital identity for every African citizen.

Not only would such a system streamline access to digital services and reinforce cybersecurity, but it would also foster a profound sense of shared belonging and collective destiny.

In essence, a unified African identity platform would affirm that every citizen—regardless of the nation in which they reside—is a valued member of the pan-African community.

This is more than a technological necessity; it is a moral imperative that strengthens our cultural and social bonds across the continent.

There is a psychological truth underpinning this entire argument: we are creatures who thrive on order, structure, and unity. When a society is fragmented, its people feel powerless.

But when unity is achieved—when there is a coherent, collective vision—human potential is unleashed.

Ghana’s progress in digitalization is not just a point of national pride; it is a clarion call for the rest of Africa to rise and seize its digital destiny.

Make no mistake, the stakes are high. If we do not act now, Africa risks remaining in a state of digital dependence—where expensive data and foreign-controlled tech ecosystems hold us hostage.

But if Ghana steps forward as the leader in this digital liberation, we can chart a course toward an Africa where digital independence is not only attainable but transformative.

In the end, our struggle is not solely about technology or economics—it is about reclaiming our dignity, our agency, and our future.

Ghana’s independence in 1957 was merely the first step. Now, inspired by the visionary spirit of Kwame Nkrumah and buoyed by our digital achievements, it is time for Ghana to lead the charge toward a liberated, united, and above all, Unified digital Africa.

Remember: a connected Africa is not just a practical necessity—it is the next frontier of our collective freedom. And it is incumbent upon us to ensure that this freedom is realized, not just for a few, but for all.

History does not wait. Africa will either seize this moment and build its own digital future, or we will be forced to accept one designed for us by others.

The time for debate is over. The time for action is now. Ghana must rise again—not just as the first to gain independence, but as the first to build a United, Unified Digital Africa.

Because a connected Africa is a free Africa. And a free Africa is a powerful Africa.

About the author:

Dr. Augustine Blay is a seasoned leader and innovator with over 25 years of experience in digitalization, leadership, and policy analysis.

He has played pivotal roles in shaping Ghana’s digital landscape—serving as Executive Secretary to Dr. Mahamudu Bawumia, directing the digital campaign for Dr. Bawumia’s presidential bid, and co-chairing the NPP Manifesto Committee on Digitalization.

A dedicated writer and advocate for Africa’s digital transformation, Dr. Blay explores the intersection of technology, policy, and economic development to craft compelling arguments for a unified digital Africa.

Inspired by the legacies of Kwame Nkrumah, Simon Perez, Steve Jobs, Busia, and Dr. JB Danquah, he champions innovative reforms in telecommunications, finance, and digital identity to reduce data costs, empower entrepreneurs, and unite the continent’s digital markets under a cohesive framework—paving the way for a prosperous future for all Africans.

Adele, Akyode, Challa, and the faithful Muslim kin,
Once united in harmony, now caught in a whirlwind of sin.

Whispers of discord echo through the streets,
As schools close their doors, where laughter once greets.

Children’s dreams are stifled, their futures on hold,
In the silence of classrooms, stories remain untold.

Workers pack their bags, leaving homes behind,
In search of safety—a peace they hope to find.

Residents flee the turmoil, their hearts heavy with dread,
As the fabric of community unravels, thread by thread.

Businesses crumble, once vibrant and bright,
Now shadows of struggle, lost in the fight.

Markets once bustling, now eerily still,
The pulse of the economy—a distant thrill.

Curfews imposed, the night cloaked in fear,
A once lively town now whispers, “Stay clear.”

The laughter of children, the chatter of friends,
Replaced by the silence that conflict extends.

Yet amid despair, hope flickers like a flame,
For unity can rise, and peace be reclaimed.

Adele, Akyode, Challa, and all who reside,
Must come together and let love be their guide.

In the heart of Nkwanta South, let healing begin,
For the strength of a community lies deep within.

Through understanding and dialogue, let bridges be built,
To mend the wounds of conflict and restore what was spilt.

In this poetic reflection, may we find a way,
To turn the tide of conflict and embrace a new day.

For in unity lies strength, and in peace, we shall thrive—
Together, hand in hand, let Nkwanta South revive.

Aristotle (384 – 322 BCE) viewed ethics as a practical science centered on human well-being and the pursuit of virtue through rational action. In his influential work Nicomachean Ethics, he argued that ethical behavior is not about rigid rules but cultivating good character and practicing virtues like courage, justice, and temperance.

For Aristotle, the ultimate goal of ethical living is to achieve eudaimonia, often translated as the “good life” or “human flourishing.” As he succinctly put it, ethics is the discipline of human behavior to achieve the good life.

Ethics and Governance in the Ghanaian Context

The importance of ethics in governance cannot be overstated, particularly in the Ghanaian context. Ethics provide the moral foundation for decision-making, ensuring that leaders prioritize the well-being of citizens and stakeholders over personal interests. However, numerous scandals and crises in recent years have exposed Ghana’s failure to uphold ethical principles in political and corporate governance.

Ethical Lapses in Political Governance

In Ghana’s political governance, ethics are crucial for promoting transparency, accountability, and trust. Ethical governance ensures politicians act in the public interest rather than for personal gain. However, the political landscape has been marred by incidents demonstrating significant neglect of ethical behavior. Recent events in Parliament, such as the physical altercations among parliamentarians and the subsequent suspension of members by the Speaker, highlight the erosion of decorum and ethical conduct in one of Ghana’s highest institutions of governance. The chaos in Parliament sends a dangerous signal to citizens about the diminishing moral standards of the country’s leaders, undermining public trust in governance.

These ethical shortcomings are further reflected in public calls for sacking government officials who have crossed ethical lines by engaging in overt partisan politics. This agitation underscores the need for stricter enforcement of ethical rules, particularly by the Public Services Commission, which is mandated to uphold integrity in public administration. Failure to address such misconduct weakens public service and erodes citizens’ trust in government institutions, as many feel that public servants serve political agendas rather than the public good.

The Ghana Integrity Initiative’s (2020) report on corruption in Ghana highlighted how corruption adversely affects economic development and poverty reduction. Incidents like the “Galamsey” scandal continue to exemplify how ethical lapses can lead to environmental and societal damage. As political leaders prioritize self-interest over national interest, Ghana’s natural resources, governance structures, and overall development have paid the price.

Ethical Lapses in Corporate Governance

Ghana’s corporate governance landscape has similarly suffered from a lack of ethics. Numerous corporate scandals, such as the collapse of the banking sector, highlight how unethical practices—abysmal risk management and conflicts of interest—can have catastrophic consequences. The 2018 banking crisis, which led to the collapse of multiple financial institutions, was a direct result of weak governance structures, as outlined in the Bank of Ghana’s (2018) investigative report. It noted how corporate executives and board members prioritized short-term profits and personal gains over prudent financial management, leading to a loss of public confidence in the banking system.

The Institute of Chartered Accountants Ghana (2019) also emphasized that unethical behavior and poor regulatory oversight exacerbated the crisis. As a result, depositors lost trust, businesses folded, and many employees faced job losses—further contributing to economic instability.

Consequences of Ethical Failures

The absence of ethics in governance has had far-reaching effects on Ghana’s development, including the erosion of trust, social unrest, and economic instability. As the Afrobarometer (2020) report highlights, trust in institutions like the presidency, parliament, and judiciary has declined significantly over the past decade. The growing dissatisfaction among citizens points to a governance crisis, where unethical behavior among public officials has become normalized.

The Way Forward: Strategies to Bridge the Ethical Gap

To address the missing link of ethics in governance, Ghana must adopt a multifaceted approach:

1. Ethics Education and Training Programs: Leaders in both public and private sectors need continuous ethics training to understand the long-term value of ethical decision-making over short-term gains. These programs should be introduced in government agencies, schools, and corporate organizations.
2. Robust Regulatory Frameworks and Enforcement Mechanisms: Strengthening anti-corruption institutions, such as the Office of the Special Prosecutor and the Public Services Commission, is critical. These bodies must be empowered to effectively enforce laws, sanction misconduct, and deter unethical behavior.
3. Public Services Commission Enforcement: The recent agitation for removing officials who engaged in partisan politics highlights the need for the Public Services Commission to step up and enforce rules that separate public administration from political influence. This would ensure that public servants prioritize national development over political loyalty.
4. Active Stakeholder Engagement: Citizens, civil society organizations, and the media are key in holding leaders accountable. By demanding greater transparency and engaging actively in governance processes, stakeholders can help promote a culture of integrity.

Conclusion

Ethics remains the missing link in Ghana’s political and corporate governance, contributing to the erosion of trust, social unrest, and economic instability.

The recent misconduct in Parliament and the public outcry against officials engaging in unethical behavior demonstrate the urgent need for reforms. Ghana must embed ethics at the core of its governance systems to reverse this trend through education, regulation, and accountability measures.

A national reset prioritizing ethical leadership will create a foundation of integrity, transparency, and accountability across public and private institutions. With ethics as a guiding principle, Ghana can rebuild trust, stabilize its economy, and foster sustainable development, creating a more just and equitable society for future generations.

Akwasi Opong-Fosu is a governance and public policy analyst. He has served in various capacities in public service, including a member of parliament, ministerial positions in Local Government, Environment, Science, Technology and Innovation, and a minister of state at the Presidency. He has served as Head of the Local Government Service and UN special advisor on Local Authorities.

By Akwasi Opong-Fosu February 5, 2025

Mr Edusei, a Catholic and a Freemason, seeks to provide clarity and foster mutual understanding on an issue that has often been met with controversy and doctrinal opposition.

His 10-page response begins by acknowledging the concerns raised by Most Rev. Osei-Bonsu, particularly the argument that Freemasonry has evolved into a religion rather than remaining a brotherhood.

He cites official statements from the United Grand Lodge of England (UGLE), which state unequivocally that: “Freemasonry is not a religion, nor is it a substitute for religion. There is no separate Masonic god, and there is no separate proper name for a deity in Freemasonry.”

Mr Edusei argues that his personal experience aligns with this view—Freemasonry, as practised in Ghana, focuses on moral instruction, self-improvement, and charitable work, rather than religious worship or theological doctrines.

He acknowledges the Catholic Church’s longstanding prohibition on Freemasonry, dating back to Pope Clement XII’s 1738 encyclical and reaffirmed in the 1983 declaration by the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith (CDF), which states that Catholics who join Freemasonry are in a state of grave sin and cannot receive the Eucharist.

He highlights three historical reasons for this opposition:

1. Secrecy – The Church viewed Masonic secrecy as a potential source of hidden doctrines.

2. Religious Relativism – The acceptance of men from different faiths was seen as conflicting with Catholic exclusivity.

3. Political Subversion – Freemasonry’s historical ties to revolutionary movements raised concerns about undermining Church authority.

However, Edusei contends that modern Freemasonry, especially in Ghana, does not align with these historical concerns. He notes that the Catholic Church has reconsidered its positions on many historical issues over time, suggesting that a fresh evaluation of Freemasonry may be warranted.

Read his full response below:

Response to Most Rev. Joseph Osei-Bonsu’s Letter on Catholicism and Freemasonry

Your Excellency,

I acknowledge your response to my previous letter with deep appreciation and respect. While I do not claim to be a theologian, my faith remains important to me, even if my church attendance is not as regular as it should be. As a Catholic who is also a Freemason, I have reflected deeply on the concerns you raised, and I believe this dialogue is necessary for clarity, understanding, and mutual respect.

Your letter makes several strong assertions, particularly the claim that Freemasonry has moved from being merely a brotherhood to becoming a religion.

To support this, you cite authorities such as Albert Mackey and Albert Pike, who have described Freemasonry in religious terms.

While I do not dismiss their views, I believe it is crucial to place their statements within a broader historical and practical context.

The United Grand Lodge of England (UGLE), which influences many Masonic jurisdictions, including the traditions we inherited in Ghana, states explicitly:

“Freemasonry is not a religion, nor is it a substitute for religion. There is no separate Masonic god, and there is no separate proper name for a deity in Freemasonry.”

This official position aligns with my experience in Freemasonry, where our meetings do not involve worship but rather focus on moral instruction, self-improvement, and community service.

However, I must emphasise that these are my personal reflections and do not represent the official stance of any Grand Lodge, including the Grand Lodge of Ghana.

1. The Catholic Church’s Historical Opposition to Freemasonry

Your Excellency, the Catholic Church’s opposition to Freemasonry has existed for centuries, beginning with Pope Clement XII’s In Eminenti Apostolatus Specula (1738).

Over time, various Popes reaffirmed this position, culminating in the 1983 declaration by the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith (CDF), which states that Catholics who join Freemasonry remain in a state of grave sin and cannot receive the Eucharist.

Historically, three main concerns shaped this opposition:

1. Secrecy – The Church saw Masonic secrecy as a potential threat, believing that it encouraged hidden doctrines or allegiances.

2. Religious Relativism – The acceptance of men from different religious backgrounds was viewed as diminishing the exclusivity of Catholic doctrine.

3. Political Subversion – In 18th- and 19th-century Europe, Freemasonry was linked to revolutionary movements that sought to curtail the Church’s influence in governance.

I acknowledge these concerns, but I also respectfully submit that the Freemasonry I belong to today does not fit this historical mould. My Masonic experience in Ghana has been one of fraternity, moral discipline, and acts of charity, not a platform for anti-Catholic teachings or political movements.

Times have changed. The Catholic Church has reconsidered its positions on many historical issues, recognising that what was once a justified concern may not hold the same weight today.

2. Is Freemasonry a Religion?

Your letter asserts that Freemasonry is not just a fraternal organisation but a religion in itself. To support this, you cite Albert Mackey and Albert Pike, whose writings have often been referenced by both Masons and critics.

• Albert Mackey (1807–1881), in The Symbolism of Freemasonry, described Freemasonry as “religious in a broad sense” but explicitly stated that it is not a religion because it lacks a doctrine of salvation, sacraments, or ordained clergy.

• Albert Pike (1809–1891), known for his writings on the Scottish Rite, used esoteric and mystical language that does not reflect the beliefs of all Freemasons, particularly those in the Grand Lodge traditions, including Ghana.

Even within Catholic theology, there is debate on this matter:

• Fr. John C. Rager (The Catholic Mind, 1952) recognised that Freemasonry has spiritual elements but noted that it does not function as a religion in the Catholic sense.

• Msgr. Ronald A. Knox, in Enthusiasm: A Chapter in the History of Religion (1950), argued that Masonic teachings are moral allegories rather than theological doctrines.

In my personal experience, Freemasonry is not a religion but a fraternity dedicated to moral instruction and self-improvement. It does not interfere with my belief in Christ as the Son of God and my source of salvation.

3. Loyalty and the Allegation of Protecting Wrongdoing

One of the most common misconceptions about Freemasonry is that it requires members to protect one another, even in cases of criminal conduct. Your Excellency, I assure you that this is not true.

Freemasonry emphasises moral integrity, justice, and the rule of law. Any member found guilty of serious wrongdoing is subject to disciplinary action, including expulsion.

This has been publicly confirmed by Judge Michael Wilkins, a senior English jurist and a Freemason, who stated:

“The idea that Freemasons protect each other regardless of justice is a myth. Freemasonry upholds the law, and no Masonic obligation overrides a Mason’s duty to the justice system.”

The expectation that Masons will remain law-abiding citizens is explicitly stated in Masonic constitutions worldwide, including those governing lodges in Ghana. Members are reminded that their first duty is to God, their country, and the law, and any attempt to shield wrongdoing is a violation of the very principles Freemasonry upholds.

In my experience, Freemasonry does not compromise justice or accountability.

4. My Personal Position on the Eucharist and Communion

Your Excellency, I fully respect the Church’s teaching on the Eucharist and its position that Catholics who are Freemasons should not receive Holy Communion. I have never presented myself for Communion, knowing the Church’s position on this matter.

However, I do reflect on Pope Francis’ emphasis on the Church as a “field hospital” for sinners.

The Eucharist is a source of grace and spiritual renewal, and as someone who remains deeply connected to my faith, I often ponder how one can be both a faithful Catholic and a Freemason in the eyes of the Church.

My participation in Freemasonry has not led me away from Christ. On the contrary, it has deepened my commitment to living a virtuous life and serving others.

5. Addressing John Salza’s Critique of Freemasonry

You reference John Salza’s book Why Catholics Cannot Be Masons as evidence of Freemasonry’s incompatibility with Catholicism. Having read his book, I acknowledge his viewpoint, but I find his analysis problematic.

First, it is important to clarify that Salza being a 32° Freemason does not necessarily mean he is highly learned in Freemasonry.

Many misunderstand the numbering of degrees, particularly in the Scottish Rite, where the 32° is not a rank of authority or scholarship, but simply a continuation of additional teachings within that Masonic system.

Attaining this degree does not mean one has a deep or authoritative understanding of Freemasonry as a whole.

In fact, many well-studied Masonic scholars have spent decades analyzing Freemasonry without holding such degrees, and conversely, many holders of high degrees do not engage in rigorous study of Masonic history or philosophy.

Salza’s portrayal of Freemasonry has been critiqued for misinterpreting Masonic teachings and overstating theological concerns. Several scholars and reviewers have pointed out flaws in his arguments:

• David L. Gray, author of The Catholic Catechism on Freemasonry, acknowledges that Salza provides a clear explanation of the Catholic Church’s opposition to Freemasonry but criticises him for making overgeneralisations and including distractions that take away from the central issue of Church authority. Gray suggests that while Salza’s work is informative, it could benefit from a more focused and nuanced discussion on the matter. (Goodreads.com)

• A reviewer identified as Tom on Amazon, while agreeing with some of Salza’s key points, states that his book fails to fully explore the historical development of Freemasonry and its evolution before and after the formal establishment of the fraternity in 18th-century England. He suggests that Salza’s work presents a narrow perspective and misses important aspects of Masonic history. (Amazon.com)

Furthermore, Salza’s literal interpretation of Masonic rituals leads him to conclusions that many Masons, including myself, find unrecognisable. His assumption that all Masonic jurisdictions operate identically is also misleading, as Freemasonry is highly diverse across cultures and constitutions.

While Salza’s perspective is valid from his personal experience, it does not accurately represent Freemasonry as a whole. His book primarily serves as a polemic rather than an objective analysis, reinforcing his own conclusions rather than engaging with the full breadth of Masonic scholarship.

6. You ask, “Who are you, Mr. Edusei, to contradict the giants of Freemasonry and declare that it is only a brotherhood?”

Your Excellency, I do not claim to be a Masonic scholar or a theologian. I am simply a Catholic who has sought to reconcile his faith with his lived experience in Freemasonry. My intention is not to challenge authority but to contribute to an informed discussion on a subject that has been clouded by misunderstanding.

History has shown that individuals, even those initially considered insignificant or misunderstood, can offer perspectives that later contribute to a greater understanding of faith.

A profound example is St. Francis of Assisi, who was once a merchant’s son, a man of privilege, and even seen as an eccentric by his contemporaries. However, through his deep spirituality, humility, and radical commitment to Christ, he reshaped Catholic thinking on poverty, service, and devotion.

At the time of his calling, many within the Church viewed his approach as extreme, even controversial. He renounced his wealth, lived in absolute poverty, and challenged the material excesses of the Church, leading some to question whether his views aligned with established doctrine.

However, rather than seeking to change Church teachings, St. Francis’ example helped inspire a renewal of faith and a return to Christ-like simplicity. His influence ultimately led to the formation of the Franciscan Order, which has since become one of the most respected Catholic institutions, emphasising charity, humility, and service to the poor.

While I do not compare myself to St. Francis, his story reminds us that throughout Catholic history, the Church has benefited from discussions, questions, and new perspectives that, when grounded in faith, have strengthened rather than weakened the Church.

I share my reflections not to challenge doctrine but to offer insight from my personal experience, hoping that this dialogue can foster a better understanding of Freemasonry within the context of Catholicism.

6. Conclusion

Your Excellency, I deeply appreciate this opportunity for dialogue. I fully understand and respect the Catholic Church’s position on Freemasonry, and I acknowledge that the Church currently has no intention of changing this stance.

My purpose in writing this letter is not to challenge or attempt to alter the teachings of the Holy Catholic Church, but rather to seek a deeper understanding of how my Catholic faith and my Masonic journey intersect.

I recognise the Church’s concerns and respect its authority on doctrinal matters. However, my intention has simply been to clarify my own understanding of Freemasonry in light of my Catholic faith and to address some misconceptions that I believe do not reflect the reality of my Masonic experience.

I remain committed to my faith, my fraternity, and my conscience, trusting in God’s mercy and guidance.

May the peace of Christ be with you always.

Yours respectfully,

John Edusei
Assistant Provincial Grand Master North
Grand Lodge of Ghana

~$360 million of this amount was allocated to the 60 MW hydropower plant itself; $474 million to the network of canals and weirs needed to create an irrigation system for farmers; and $55 million to a 50MW solar plant.

Separate contracts had been signed for these three components.

For example, in May 2019, the government entered into an agreement with PowerChina International, a Chinese state-owned EPC contractor, for the $474 million irrigation system project component.

Following this contract between the Ministry of Agriculture and PowerChina International, the Ministry of Finance insisted on entering into the subsequent contracts covering the two power plants, which it did in December of the same year.

The joint project costs as submitted to the Ghanaian parliament are presented below.

However, due to objections by some parliamentarians, the tax portions were removed from the final tally bringing the cost of the project down from about $965 million to ~$900 million. The Ministry of Finance pledged to fund the entire project through the budget and committed an immediate amount of ~$91 million, nearly 85% of which was to come from the proceeds of a recent Eurobond issuance.

The following disbursement schedule was presented to Parliament.

As we now know, the Finance Ministry, with the obvious acquiescence of the Presidency, decided not to allocate the Eurobond money to the project. Just about $12 million was paid from the government budget to the contractor, and apart from a celebrated worker camp (see VRA PR materials below) and a few rough access roads, nothing much came out of the money spent.

Declaring his candidacy for the Council of State, Dr. Wuaku is not just seeking a position—he is offering a roadmap for transformation, one that prioritizes economic empowerment, youth development, and transparent governance.

A Leader with Proven Experience and Influence

Dr. Wuaku’s impressive career spanning two decades in the central banking sector, coupled with ten years as a consultant in finance, investment, and governance, makes him uniquely qualified to serve as the region’s voice at the highest level of decision-making. His deep-rooted connections with financial institutions and development partners position him as a catalyst for attracting investments into the Volta Region.

“I am not here to make empty promises. I have the networks, the experience, and the strategy to bring real investment into our region,” Dr. Wuaku affirmed, addressing a crowd of assembly members, traditional leaders, and journalists in Ho.

His vision is clear: unlocking the region’s economic potential through strategic partnerships, policy advocacy, and direct investment.

Transforming the Volta Region into an Economic Powerhouse

Dr. Wuaku envisions a future where the Volta Region is not just a contributor to the national economy but a major player in Ghana’s industrial and technological growth. His economic blueprint includes:

• Revitalizing Agriculture Through Agro-Processing: By establishing agro-processing factories, he plans to create thousands of jobs while ensuring that local farmers reap the full benefits of their produce.
• Positioning Volta as a Tourism Hub: With its breathtaking landscapes and rich cultural heritage, the region has untapped potential in tourism. Dr. Wuaku aims to develop infrastructure and promote the region as a premier tourist destination.
• Investing in Renewable Energy and ICT: By leveraging clean energy solutions and digital transformation, he seeks to make the Volta Region a center for innovation and industrialization.

“These are not abstract ideas; they are actionable plans that will be implemented through partnerships with investors and stakeholders who are ready to build with us,” he stated.

Empowering the Youth: The Heart of His Agenda

Dr. Wuaku’s campaign is deeply rooted in the belief that the future of the Volta Region depends on the youth. To this end, he has committed to:

• Launching a Regional Scholarship Scheme: Focused on high-demand fields such as IT, engineering, and entrepreneurship.
• Expanding Technical and Vocational Training: Advocating for more TVET centers to equip young people with practical, job-ready skills.
• Providing Capital and Mentorship for Young Entrepreneurs: Ensuring that young innovators and business owners receive the support needed to grow and scale their businesses.

“Our young people are ambitious and talented. What they need is access—access to quality education, funding, and the right opportunities. That is what I will fight for,” he assured.

A Commitment to Transparent and Inclusive Leadership

Beyond economic transformation, Dr. Wuaku is determined to redefine governance in the Volta Region. His leadership approach is centered on inclusivity, accountability, and grassroots engagement.

He promises:

• Regular town hall meetings to foster accountability and transparency.
• Close collaboration with traditional leaders to ensure that policies reflect the actual needs of the people.
• Advocacy for governance that prioritizes regional development over political gains.

“We need leaders who are not just representatives but true advocates for the people. My role will not be to serve political interests but to serve the people of the Volta Region,” he emphasized.

A Defining Moment for the Volta Region

As the Council of State elections draw closer, Dr. Wuaku’s message is gaining traction. His call for economic empowerment, youth development, and transparent governance presents a new vision for the Volta Region—one rooted in progress, not politics.

“I stand for transformation. I stand for development. I stand with the people of the Volta Region. Together, we will build a future that is bright, prosperous, and inclusive,” he declared in his final remarks.

With a solid track record, a compelling vision, and a deep commitment to the Volta Region’s progress, Dr. Kofi David Wuaku is emerging as a formidable force in the race for the Council of State. His leadership promises to be a defining factor in shaping the region’s future.

Dear President Mahama,

I write to you today not just as a journalist, but as a daughter of the coastal communities of the Volta Region—a people battered by the unforgiving waves of the sea for decades. I write with a deep sense of urgency because, once again, the lives and livelihoods of thousands in Keta, Anloga, and Ketu South municipalities are under severe threat from the ravaging effects of tidal waves.

When you met the press during your recent campaign tour in the Volta Region, I personally asked you about this crisis and whether you would truly commit to finding a solution if given the mandate to lead Ghana once again. Your response was reassuring—you promised to act decisively. Today, the time has come for you to redeem that promise.

1. The People Are Losing Everything—Homes, Livelihoods, and Hope

For years, the residents of Salakope, Agavedzi, Fuveme, Kporkporgbor, and several other coastal towns have endured the merciless destruction caused by tidal waves. Kporkporgbor in the Anloga District has been completely washed away, while Fuveme is on the verge of vanishing. These were once-thriving fishing and farming communities, but today, families live in fear, watching helplessly as their homes and lands disappear beneath the waves.

The psychological and economic toll on these communities is unbearable. Fishermen have lost their canoes and nets, market women have lost their goods, and children are struggling to continue their education because schools are constantly flooded or destroyed.

Mr. President, these are your people. They are the same people who have stood by you and the NDC through every election cycle. They do not deserve to be abandoned.

2. The Government Has Made Promises, But the Sea Takes More Each Year

The Blekusu Sea Defence Project was meant to be a beacon of hope for these communities. The first phase was completed, but the second phase, which was supposed to cover an 8-kilometer stretch, remains stalled. Each time political leaders visit, they bring relief items, take photographs, make sweet promises, and leave. The result? Nothing changes.

Meanwhile, the sea keeps advancing, swallowing entire communities. The coastal road network connecting Keta, Havedzi, Denu, and Aflao is now on the verge of collapse. At Salakope and Agavedzi, the distance between the sea and the road is now less than 50 meters. The ongoing spring tides from February 1-4 could wipe out this crucial road if urgent action is not taken.

3. A Lasting Solution Is Possible—And Now Is the Time to Deliver It

Mr. President, Ghana is a beneficiary of the West Africa Coastal Areas Resilience Investment Project (WACA ResIP 2), which is designed to tackle exactly this kind of crisis. However, without strong leadership, commitment, and urgency, these funds will not be used effectively. The people of the Volta Region need you to champion this cause not just in words, but in real, tangible action.

Beyond the Blekusu project, Ghana must develop a comprehensive national strategy to combat coastal erosion and protect its coastal communities from Anloga to Ada, from Cape Coast to Axim. Countries like the Netherlands and Japan have successfully implemented coastal protection measures—why can’t Ghana do the same?

4. The People of the Volta Region Have Stood with You—Stand with Them Now

I was born and raised in the coastal area of the Volta Region, specifically in Anloga, though my roots trace back to Woe in the Anloga District and Anlo Afiadenyigba in the Keta Municipality. I have spent more than two decades as a journalist, reporting on this issue and witnessing firsthand the frustration and helplessness of my own people. It breaks my heart to see them continuously suffer while politicians visit only during election seasons.

The people of Anlo, Keta, and Ketu South have genuinely supported you throughout your political career. They have voted for you, campaigned for you, and trusted you to deliver for them. Now is your moment to prove to them that their trust was not misplaced.

5. Leave a Legacy That Will Stand the Test of Time

Mr. President, this is your opportunity to be remembered as the leader who solved one of Ghana’s most pressing environmental crises. This is bigger than politics. The sea does not care which party you belong to—it only cares about reclaiming the land. The question is: will you allow it to happen, or will you take action to stop it?

If nothing is done, we could wake up one day and find that the entire stretch of coastal communities in the Volta Region has been wiped off the map. That is not a prophecy of doom—it is a scientific reality, and we are already seeing it happen.

A Final Plea for Immediate Action

Mr. President, the time for promises is over. The time for temporary relief items is over. What we need is action.

I urge you to:

• Ensure the immediate completion of the Blekusu Sea Defence Project (Phase Two).
• Push for the proper implementation of the WACA ResIP 2 project to benefit Ghana’s coastal communities.
• Develop a long-term coastal protection strategy that includes effective sea walls and erosion prevention measures.
• Declare the Keta-Havedzi-Denu-Aflao road network a national emergency project before it is destroyed.
• Demonstrate leadership and commitment to saving not just Volta’s coastline, but all vulnerable coastal regions in Ghana.

The people of the Volta Region are waiting. I am waiting.

We need good news, and we need it now.

Yours faithfully,
Ivy Priscilla Setordjie
Journalist, Media Personality – (Joy News, Volta Regional Correspondent)
Professional Master of Ceremony (MC)
Gender and Children Advocate
CEO & Founder, Nutifafa African Women and Children Foundation

Speaker Alban Bagbin has taken a definitive stand against breaches of decorum, emphasising that such conduct is unacceptable in a legislative environment meant to uphold democracy and order.

The Incident

On Thursday, during the vetting of ministerial nominees, a conflict erupted that led to physical altercations among MPs.

Reports indicate that the disorder escalated to the point where tables and microphones were damaged, and some MPs nearly engaged in a fistfight.

Speaker Bagbin condemned the behaviour, labelling the incident as an embarrassment not just to Parliament but also to the country.

The suspended MPs are:

• Rockson Nelson Dafeamekpor (Majority Whip)
• Frank Annoh-Dompreh (Minority Whip)
• Alhassan Sulemana Tampuli
• Jerry Ahmed Shaib

Speaker Bagbin’s Response

In response to the chaos, Speaker Bagbin established a committee to investigate the circumstances surrounding the uproar.

He directed the Parliamentary Marshal to restrict the access of these MPs to the chamber during the suspension period, underscoring the seriousness with which Parliament views such disruptions.

In his statements, Bagbin conveyed disappointment about the conduct of the MPs, stressing that it tarnished the reputation of the legislative body.

By taking swift action, the Speaker aims to restore discipline and mitigate the likelihood of future incidents.

Bagbin warned MPs that any repeated occurrences could result in even stricter consequences, highlighting the need for respect and civility within parliamentary proceedings.

Impacts on Parliamentary Proceedings 

The implications of this suspension extend beyond the immediate actions against the four MPs. It raises critical questions about the current state of Ghana’s political climate and the functioning of its parliament.

With the Appointments Committee already under scrutiny, a renewed focus on maintaining order will be necessary to ensure smooth sessions in the future.

Moreover, the heated environment portrayed by the recent incident could hinder bipartisan efforts and collaborative governance.

Effective dialogue is essential in legislative processes; therefore, establishing trust and mutual respect among MPs should now be a priority to prevent further clashes.

Public Reactions 

As with any high-profile incident involving public officials, reactions from the public and various stakeholders vary.

Some citizens have applauded Speaker Bagbin’s decisive actions, viewing them as a necessary step towards upholding parliamentary integrity.

Conversely, others argue that such measures might be politically motivated or insufficient in addressing deeper systemic issues within Ghana’s political parties.

Conclusion: A Call for Better Conduct 

The recent chaos in Ghana’s Parliament underscores the importance of decorum and respect within legislative bodies.

By suspending the offending MPs, Speaker Alban Bagbin has not only sent a strong message about the standards expected of all parliamentarians but has also initiated a reflection on the broader challenges facing political discourse in the country.

Moving forward, both MPs and citizens must advocate for a more respectful and constructive environment conducive to productive governance.

In these times of political anxiety, Parliament’s role as a stabilizing force must be prioritized to maintain public trust and ensure effective representation.

On Tuesday morning, the businessman and philanthropist walked away a free man after the state withdrew all charges.

The Attorney General and Minister of Justice, Dr Dominic Akuritinga Ayine told the court that the state did not find merit in continuing with the prosecution, bringing to an end almost eight gruelling years of a legal marathon that criss-cross the High Court, Appeal Court and the Supreme Court.

I see this as a triumph for truth in a generation.

It is a sigh of relief of great magnitude that I can’t quantify. For almost eight years, I spent a major part of my Monday to Thursday in court. From today, January 29, 2025, that is history. I can only say Thank you Allah,” he added.

The beginning
The Stephen Opuni-Agongo trial started around 2017 and for nearly eight long and grueling years under the Akufo-Addo administration, the two of us endured what can only be described as a nightmare.

My name, once synonymous with business success and philanthropy, was dragged through the mud with my reputation shattered, and my life turned into a battlefield.

The accusations of fraud, deception, money laundering and financial impropriety were wielded against me with a relentlessness that felt less like justice and more like an orchestrated vendetta.

For me, the courtroom became a theatre of injustice, and the media a platform for the calculated demolition of my character and business acumen.

My only “crime”? supplying Lithovit Liquid Fertiliser – a highly effective, yield-boosting agrochemical that transformed the lives of countless cocoa farmers – to the Ghana Cocoa Board (COCOBOD).

Farmers stood before the court to testify in my defence.

They spoke passionately about how Lithovit had changed their lives, enabling them to achieve dreams they never thought possible.

Some built their first homes; others purchased cars or sent their children to better schools, all thanks to the increased yields from their cocoa farms.

These farmers, who were the true beneficiaries, described Lithovit as a “life-saver” and clamored for more.

Yet, these exculpatory testimonies fell on deaf ears as my enemies pursued their goal with a chilling determination: to bring him down at all costs.

The Godfred Dame-led Ministry of Justice and Attorney General as well as Chief Justice Gertrude Torkonoo would leave no stone unturned in my “persecution” even after the likes of Justice Kwasi Anokye Gyimah had ruled that the case be started de novo (afresh) due to the raft of complaints of unfairness from the defendants throughout the hearing.

The attacks extended beyond the courtroom as my bank, Heritage Bank Limited; a symbol of my hard work and entrepreneurial spirit was collapsed.

Not for any wrongdoing, but out of what many believe were malice, jealousy and sheer tribalism.

The collapse of Heritage Bank, orchestrated by then-Finance Minister Ken Ofori-Atta and the Bank of Ghana Governor Ernest Addison, was a devastating blow.

It was not just a business decision; it was a deliberate act to cripple a man who had dared to succeed and dared to align himself with the National Democratic Congress (NDC).

The persecution did not stop there as my assets were frozen, leaving me unable to access funds to sustain his business ventures.

My passport was seized, denying him the fundamental right to freedom of movement and cutting him off from international business opportunities.

Government-sponsored propaganda filled the airwaves, tarnishing my name and driving away potential partners and clients.

It was a calculated effort to isolate and destroy me, piece by piece.

But even as the walls closed in around me, I refused to break.

I fought tirelessly to clear his name and defend my integrity. In the face of relentless persecution, I remained steadfast and my faith unshaken.

When a trial judge, Justice Kwasi Anokye Gyimah, ruled in favour of fairness by ordering a retrial, he was quickly transferred, as though fairness itself was a punishable offense.

The legal and judicial maneuvers appeared to be part of a carefully choreographed plan to ensure my downfall. Yet, despite these efforts, they could not extinguish the truth.

While many would have crumbled under the weight of such immense pressure, I chose to rise above it.

I continued to be a source of hope and support for countless others. Despite my own suffering, I remained a relentless philanthropist, giving generously to those in need.

Thousands of orphans and underprivileged students had their education funded by me.

I provided support to widows, the sick and disaster-stricken communities.

I went as far as building a children’s ward at the Korle-Bu Teaching Hospital, a lasting testament to my compassion and commitment to humanity.

These acts of kindness were not done from a place of abundance – my resources had been stripped away – but from a place of deep conviction and faith.

Even as the government sought to suffocate my businesses and tarnish his legacy, I stood as the financial backbone of the NDC.

Whenever the party called on me for assistance, I answered. Without the benefit of my bank or access to many of my frozen assets, I found ways to provide, ensuring the party could continue its campaigns and fight for a return to power.

I did all of this while carrying the weight of a nation’s scrutiny on his shoulders.

Among other crucial contributions, I used and continue to use his media empire, the Class Media Group (CMG), which comprises Class91.3FM, Accra100.5FM, No.1 (105.3FM), Kumasi104.1FM, Ho 92.5FM, Adehye FM, Dagbon FM, Sunyani FM, Taadi FM, CTV and Classfmonline.com, to support the party and its government.

After years of pain and struggle, justice finally began to prevail. The new Attorney General withdrew the case, stating the state’s disinterest in continuing this farce of a case.

The charges against me were struck out, and I walked free – a man vindicated with his innocence intact.

It was not just a legal victory; it was a triumph of truth over malice, of faith over despair, of resilience over oppression.

As I step into the light after eight years of darkness, my story serves as a powerful reminder that no force of destruction can triumph over the truth.

They tried to break me. They tried to erase my legacy, strip me of my dignity and silence my voice but they failed.

What they underestimated was my unwavering faith, my resilience and the countless lives I had touched, all of whom stood as silent witnesses to my true character.

This is more than a story of survival; it is a story of triumph. I am a testament to the fact that the truth, no matter how suppressed, will always rise.

My life is proof that even in the face of the most calculated evil, goodness will prevail. If I could endure and overcome the storm that raged for eight years, then, Insha Allah, the years ahead will be brighter and filled with the fulfillment of dreams long deferred.

May my story inspire others to stand firm in the face of injustice, to hold fast to their faith and to remember that no matter how dark the night, the dawn will always come.

I have walked through the fire and emerged unbroken, a beacon of hope and resilience for us all.

This milestone follows his distinguished 20-year tenure in the Parliament of Ghana, where he made significant contributions to the country’s financial landscape.

Avedzi’s impressive parliamentary career includes serving as Chairman of the Finance Committee from 2009 to 2017 and later as Chairman of the Public Accounts Committee, while concurrently holding the position of Deputy Minority Leader of Parliament.

His expertise in finance and accounting has been instrumental in shaping Ghana’s fiscal policies.

With an MBA in Finance and Accounting from the University of Liverpool and credentials as a Chartered Accountant (ICA-G Chartered), Avedzi brings a wealth of knowledge and experience to his new role at the SEC.

Born with an insatiable passion for numbers and a drive to make a difference, Avedzi embarked on a journey that would take him to the pinnacle of public service.

Growing up, he was fascinated by the world of finance and accounting, which led him to earn his Chartered Accountant certification from the Institute of Chartered Accountants (Ghana) in 2001.

Avedzi’s professional journey began in the Ministry of Tourism, where he served as an Accountant from 1995 to 1997. His exceptional skills and work ethic quickly earned him recognition, leading to his appointment as Deputy Chief Accountant at the Ministry of Health Headquarters.

In 2001, Avedzi became the Head of the Financial Reporting Unit at the Ministry of Health. His innovative approach to financial reporting led to the development of computerized accounting reporting systems, REPAC and PROAC, which streamlined financial reporting and enhanced transparency in public financial management.

In 2005, Avedzi was elected as a Member of Parliament for the Ketu North Constituency. His dedication to public service earned him a reputation as a champion of accountability and transparency.

As Chairman of the Public Accounts Committee (PAC) from 2017 to 2025, he played a pivotal role in ensuring that public institutions and MDAs were held accountable for their financial management.

Throughout his career, Avedzi has received numerous accolades, including an honorary Doctor of Arts degree from the European American University in 2010.

James Klutse Avedzi stands as a testament to the power of dedication, hard work, and a passion for service. His legacy inspires future generations of public servants, accountants, and leaders.

As he takes on his new role at the SEC, Avedzi is poised to bring his exceptional leadership skills and financial acumen to the forefront, ensuring stability and confidence in Ghana’s capital markets.

On a personal note, James Avedzi is a devoted husband and father of four. His journey from a passionate young accountant to a trailblazer in public service and finance exemplifies the values of excellence, integrity, and service.

However, a careful look at Ghana’s governance structure and history shows that this civil service restructuring by the President is superficial if painful decisions are not made about Ghana’s bureaucratic governance system.

The President’s ambitious target to “reset” this country will need an energetic, responsible and professional civil service. Needless to say, an effective bureaucracy is essential for public service delivery, which in turn, affects productivity across all relevant sectors.

However, if it is ran as it has been for the past decades, I’m convinced that the sun would set on President John Mahama’s tenure without shining.

This is because the issues around the efficiency of Ghana’s bureaucracy have been an everlasting conundrum that every single regime, since imperial Britain purported to have left our shores and affairs, have struggled to find solutions to.

The conditions, ethnic and political patronage, that have shaped the current image of the civil service are precolonial, colonial and post-independent contentions.

The power dynamics of our precolonial setting was a patron-client relationship. Patrons, such as chiefs, rulers and wealthy individuals dished out benefits to the common people, who in turn, offered loyalty and service.

All the colonialists had to do to exploit this relationship was to co-opt the chiefs and burgeoning elite with a stable source of income.

The latter patronised their supporters with the wealth gained, while suppressing dissenters or perceived detractors. This solidified the gap between the elite and the common people in the then Gold Coast.

This intention, which I think was pure, was eclipsed by the need for disloyal bureaucrats to be eradicated from the civil service.

Nkrumah made this point succinctly in I Speak of Freedom that “disloyal civil servants are no better than saboteurs.” His regime, although having pure intentions, delivered a heavy blow on the civil service as he co-opted some bureaucrats into the Kwame Nkrumah Ideological Institute.

The bureaucracy under his government prioritised loyalty over merit-based personnel which affected the service’s efficiency.

The majority of the civil service resisted Nkrumah’s efforts to inculcate his ideas into the bureaucracy. He asserted in his book, “Dark Days in Ghana”, after he had been ousted, that the civil service had derailed his socialist programme.

The topsy-turvy political scene that followed Ghana and Africa’s loss of Nkrumah’s regime, would further worsen the situation of the civil service.

An important incident in the administration of the Prime Minister of the Second Republic, Dr Abrefa Busia, cannot be glossed over.

The lead up to the elections that ushered in that republic, probably, is the source of the Akan-Ewe contentions that has characterised present Ghanaian political and social life.

The leading contenders of that election, Dr Busia and K.A. Gbedemah, belonged to the mentioned ethnic groups respectively. Ethnic sentiments were whipped during the campaign.

In the early days of Busia’s administration, 568 civil servants were discharged under the 1969 Constitutional transition provisions. It was widely believed that the downsizing was due to the perceived notion that Ewes were more represented in the senior level civil servants. Critics said the decision was aimed at “getting rid” of civil servants deemed to be against Busia’s government and to patronise the base of the United Party.

With the precedent of a supposed “ethnic cleansing” set, the decline of the civil service into an abyss of a polarised and inefficient group was exacerbated by the economic challenges the country faced in the 70s and 80s. The service could just not pull its weight; it lacked capacity and had become a vestige of corruption.

The civil service, therefore, did not escape the probity and accountability frenzy of the Provisional National Defence Council (PNDC).

The PNDC junta partly blamed the civil service for the woes of the state and described them as an “agent of imperialism and neo-colonialism”.

But the PNDC’s solutions didn’t help matters. The regime established organs such as the People’s Defence Committees and Workers’ Defence Committees across the country to help formulate and implement policies.

However, the “spirit and letter” of these organs “smacked of patronage in both character and policy”, not different from previous regimes.

The Fourth Republic has not deviated much from this posturing. If anything has changed, it is the entrenchment of the leaders of ministries being political principals and the shackling of technocrats.

In fact, it would not be farfetched to say that political heads have planted patronage, where seeds of professionalism and patriotism were to be sowed in the civil service.

It is no wonder that since 1957, there has been over 28 initiatives to reform the country’s bureaucracy. Regardless of our appreciation of the need to have a robust civil service, these reform attempts have been unsatisfactory.

A 2019 research paper that set out to assess how Ghana’s civil service code of conduct is being operationalized, found that the master-servant relations of yore is still prevalent.

When senior management staff violate the code of conduct, they are barely punished while junior staff are often used as scapegoats.

Nepotism, favouritism, ethnic and political interferences are rife, creating a deadlock in the productivity and efficiency of the civil service.

It is clear that unless bold and decisive measures are taken to solve these entrenched issues, it will be very difficult for any government to effectively and efficiently implement its policies.

The many reforms that we have obtained funding to implement, but have been unable to see them through satisfactorily, are starting points. Most importantly, we can’t run away from the urgent need to reduce the number of civil servants. A civil service reform in 1997 under the late President John Rawlings made nonsense of the idea of a real reform because staff were reduced in some ministries and later subsumed into other government agencies.

President Mahama has slashed seven ministries. If the staff of these redundant ministries, especially those without any specific and needed skills, are merely absolved into the public sector, it would be worsening the padding of the civil service.

After a thorough cleansing of the bureaucracy, professional management training, clear performance targets and a rationalization of salary and grading system must be instituted.

A lot more must be done to wring out the juice in our civil servants. I’m not sure if four years would be enough. But a deviation from the norm takes a decision.

If President Mahama does not make the needed decisions to thoroughly reform our civil service but trudge on the usual path of political and ethnic patronisation, which has undoubtedly brought us to this end, we would be jeopardising the gains of the Fourth Republic.

Advancing BOST’s Mandate for a Sustainable and Efficient Energy Future

Congratulations once again on your well-deserved appointment as the Managing Director of the Bulk Oil Storage and Transportation Company Limited (BOST).

This appointment reflects your exceptional leadership qualities and proven dedication to Ghana’s energy sector.

As BOST remains a cornerstone of Ghana’s energy security and economic stability, your role comes with both immense responsibility and unparalleled opportunities. I wish you success as you embark on this critical journey.

Given BOST’s strategic importance to national development, I humbly offer the following recommendations to support your efforts in enhancing operational efficiency, reducing costs, and achieving sustainable growth.

A. Enhancing Procurement Strategies

BOST’s mandate to ensure a reliable and cost-effective petroleum supply can be bolstered by leveraging local resources. Procuring Bonny Light Crude Oil (BLCO) for processing at local refineries, such as Sentuo, presents an opportunity to reduce reliance on imported finished petroleum products while lowering operational costs.

That said, I recognize the challenges of maintaining a steady supply of BLCO. Therefore, developing a complementary strategy for acquiring finished products would help ensure continuity in the supply chain, thereby safeguarding energy security and optimizing costs.

B. Consolidating the “Zonalization” Policy for Government Benefits

Strengthening and consolidating the National Petroleum Authority’s (NPA) “zonalization” policy for distributing refined petroleum products can yield substantial benefits for the government. These include:

• Reducing financial strain on the Unified Petroleum Price Fund (UPPF).
• Maintaining robust stock reserves to mitigate supply disruptions.
• Ensuring consistent nationwide supply of refined petroleum products.

To further this agenda, I strongly recommend establishing a new distribution zone (depot) in the Volta Region to serve Volta, Oti, and neighbouring areas. Currently, the six existing depots—Accra Plains, Mami Water, Akosombo, Kumasi, Buipe, and Bolgatanga—provide essential services, but expanding this network will enhance distribution efficiency.

The Keta Constituency, my beloved constituency, is strategically positioned to host this new depot due to its accessibility and potential for development. Alternatively, Ketu North presents another viable location worthy of consideration. Collaborative engagement with the NPA will be critical to realizing this vision.

Your leadership, coupled with the presence of our colleague at the NPA, provides a unique and timely opportunity to deliver transformative benefits to the Volta Region and beyond.

C. Optimizing Transportation through Rail and Pipelines

The current reliance on Bulk Road Vehicles (BRVs) for transporting petroleum products poses significant financial and environmental challenges. Transitioning to more sustainable and cost-efficient modes of transportation is crucial. Below are key initiatives to consider:

1. Pipeline Infrastructure Development
   Revive the Accra Plains–Mami Water–Akosombo Pipeline, addressing issues of encroachment and operational deficiencies. This pipeline’s reactivation will significantly reduce transportation costs.
   Fully utilize the Debre–Bolga Pipeline by ensuring adequate stock levels at the Debre and Buipe depots. This will enhance Ghana’s capacity to export petroleum products to Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger.
2. Collaboration with the Volta Lake Transport Company (VLTC)
   Forge partnerships with VLTC through Build-Operate-Transfer (BOT) arrangements to secure funding for barges and tugboats. This will strengthen waterway transportation as a viable alternative to road networks.
3. Rail Petroleum Bullet Coaches
   Revisit the concept of rail bullet coaches for petroleum transportation. Securing BOT funding for this initiative will improve cost efficiency while reducing road congestion and associated risks.

D. Building Local Capacity and Investing in Technology

As a national institution, BOST has a critical role in fostering local expertise and capacity. Transitioning from reliance on external contractors, such as Nigeria’s TSL, to in-house terminal management will empower Ghanaians while building domestic capacity.

Furthermore, investing in advanced stock management software is essential to improving product security, addressing discrepancies, and restoring confidence among stakeholders. Adopting such technology will enable BOST to lead the charge in innovation and operational excellence within the energy sector.

Conclusion

Mr. Awoonor, these recommendations present a roadmap for BOST to redefine its role as a model institution in Ghana’s energy sector. Your expertise, vision, and commitment to excellence uniquely position you to drive this transformation.

Please be assured of my unflinching support and readiness to collaborate with you in achieving these goals. Together, we can chart a resilient and sustainable energy future for Ghana.

I wish you great success in your endeavours.

Yours sincerely,
Senanu F. Dekutse
Downstream Petroleum Consultant / Former GM, Sephem Oil